Wait a second!
More handpicked essays just for you.
More handpicked essays just for you.
Women's liberation movement summary
Essay on women's liberation movement
An essay about women's liberation struggle
Don’t take our word for it - see why 10 million students trust us with their essay needs.
Recommended: Women's liberation movement summary
Women played a major role in the Battle for Algiers, during the war for independence. During that time of cultural crisis, limitations and prejudices were disregarded in the unity created by their great need. While not all women supported independence, most did, joining the National Liberation Front (NLF). Using their femininity as a shield and a mask, women were able to infiltrate enemy lines and make major inroads for their liberty (White, 2013). By some women’s role in this decisive effort has been marginalized, but historians are keeping awareness about it fresh.
In the war for independence, the women of Algiers mobilized to defend their liberty (Lecture Notes). However, in many cases women are defending the very culture that disempowers them (White, 2013). The French colonial aggressors believed that making Algerians Christian would be enough to make them subservient, but their Muslim faiths would not waver (Fantasia & Hirsch, 1995). Women engaged in armed conflict in the hope of securing greater rights and freedoms for themselves. Although the 1962 Algiers constitution did give women the right to vote in national elections, many gender
…show more content…
stereotypes still remain today (Rohloff, 2012). Beginning in 1956, the Battle of Algiers was maintained by small guerilla forces led by local citizens took on a strong modern army. Many sources emphasize that the battle could not have been won without the assistance of women. The guerilla efforts were led by the National Liberation Movement (FLN) (Smith, 2008). Local woman, Djamila Bouhired helped organize other women in support of the FLN’s effort. Historians relate, “Dressed as Frenchwomen, Bouhired and two other female militants placed concealed bombs in the European sections of Algiers. Two bombs exploded, causing civilian causalities…This event and others unleashed the Battle of Algiers, which raged until 1957” (Smith, 2008, p. 251). In response to these efforts, Bouhired was arrested, jailed, and tortured. She became an emblem for women fighters, highlighting the French army’s use of torture, and eventually secured release. After the battle, taking stock, the newly free Algerian government cited almost eleven thousand women as war veterans. However, historians are quick to emphasize that this number underestimates the many and varied contribution of women (Smith, 2008). During the Battle of Algiers the French army realized the large contribution women were making, and enacted a propaganda coup.
This entailed, “elaborately designed events to show Algerian men that, should Algerian women choose to align with the French, the liberation movement would be lost. The purported goals of liberating Algerian women were nothing more than a thinly disguised divide-and-conquer strategy” (De Groot & Peniston-Bird, 2014, p. 246). The French attempted to bait Algerian men into enforcing their own enslavement both ideologically and actually by restraining women from fighting for their freedom (Lecture Notes). This is a tactic that had worked in the past, but the level of oppression has become too overbearing to ignore. Men turned to their women for support like never before, and women rose to the
occasion. Women were not able to be easily manipulated by this tactic of divisionism. They used the traditional veil as a disguise and a weapon. Women were able to attack and take cover behind their veils, and this could have only been successful in the largely urban battle-scape (Trutt, 2011). While men moved underground and hidden, women were able to move more freely in disguise. In this fashion women played an indispensable part in relaying intelligence and carrying out objectives (De Groot & Peniston-Bird, 2014). Women either joined the civilian ranks of the FLN or volunteered for the solider ranks of the National Liberation Army (ALN). This choice was decided by location as well as education. More educated urban women (20%) often chose to enter in the FLN by choice and passion. However, women in the rural areas (80%) were often pressed into conflict due to it being in their regions. Women were active combatants, intelligence officers, as well as nurses. Most women joined the civilian ranks of the FLN. Women provided the valuable foundation that kept the men functioning and aware (De Groot & Peniston-Bird, 2014). The FLN chose to strike most at areas that held many French colonials in order to scare them into leaving and thus terrorism was applied for freedom (White, 2013). White (2013) comments, “Terrorism, the more horrific the better, was designed to communicate insecurity and fear. The other side of the strategy also involved communication…the FLN sought international publicity and sympathy” (p. 164). Their efforts at blind terrorism was to show the French government that they were not the ones in control. White (2013) reveals, “the FLN slipped into Algerian suburbs and outlying French towns to massacre entire groups of colonial families. Their primary tactic was to slit the throats of their victims, making sure their bodies would be on display the next morning” (p. 164). While the FLN planned to move beyond this phase they never did, and terrorism was the means to their freedom. Using terrorism as its base the FLN increased the strategic and intelligent nature of their attacks. The realities of war are unglamorous and sad stains on the collective psyche of humanity. Algerians felt pressed to the limit through colonial oppression, and took out their frustration and desire for freedom in the most brutal ways possible. Women chose to stand and defend their own and their families’ desire for freedom, but the freedom that was won was not total. Gender oppression and economic slavery continue to exist in Algeria and many parts of the world. Ultimately terrorism produces only more terror and limitations.
Another, broader approach to the study of women during the French Revolution is the examination of the everyday woman. One example of this type of scholarship is Dominique Godineau’s groundbreaking The Women of Paris and their French Revolution, which she originally published in 1988 as Citoyennes tricoteuses: Les Femmes du peuple à Paris pendant la Révolution française. In this work, Godineau ambitiously attempts to merge women’s history with political history; through examination of the common woman, she argues that one can return the women’s revolutionary movement to its proper context, reminding readers that “women too have a political past that is often ignored and crushed under the weight of representations inherited from the nineteenth century.” She claims that “studying women during the Revolution allows us to enrich our comprehension of the revolutionary phenomenon.” She utilizes police records to find traces of the ordinary, working-class women, who Godineau argues
It is difficult to realize the harsh standards and obligations imposed upon women of different cultures. It is especially disappointing to note that women whom may seek to relieve themselves of such discriminatory practices, face little to no government support in terms of fighting inequality. Such as distinguished in text The War Against Feminism, women of Algeria must fight against patriarchal and incredibly sexist political movements, such as the “Islamic Salvation Front,” which although was banned, had won an election and the promotion of their platform’s ideas despite their notions consisting of extreme patriarchal views and their actual assassinations of individuals not compliant with their beliefs. I also strongly agreed with the United Nations decision to aid individuals from fear of the Taliban, in their stating of refusing to continue aid to Afghanistan if intense cruel practices were to continue. The interference of other government agencies in helping to promote the end of cruelty, such as was occurring by the Taliban, act as great movement of defiance against
The French and Indian war, also better known as the seven year war, was in 1754. It all began in the early spring of 1754 through 1763, when George Washington and some 160 Virginians and hand full of Mingo Indians started to move when they were concerned about the French military presence in their county. The battle first started when a Mingo chief, the Indian leader that was with George Washington in his campaign, led a unit of soldiers into a small French encampment in the woods. It was a very small battle but, the fight ended up with 14 French men wounded. While Washington was trying to get all the available information from their French dying commander to help their plans in the war, the Indians killed and scalped the remaining survivors including the commander.
We must also understand the exclusion of gender from revolutionary discourses as being part of patriarchy that is not challenged in certain revolutions. The exclusion of gender equality from what Lumumba struggled for is where there is a certain patriarchy, and this kind of patriarchy is evident in almost all revolutionary anti-colonial writing.
"From Home Front to Front Line." Women in War. Ed. Cecilia Lee and Paul Edward Strong. N.p.: n.p., n.d. N. pag. The Churchill Centre. Web. 23 Apr. 2014.
During the early 20th century, women were highly subject to discrimination and lack of rights in such settings, being determined as guilty without fair trial (Grayzel, Susan R.2002). Brion acknowledges this as due to her inferiority and inability to vote within French society, and subjects heavily to the concept of exclusion of women in the decision making process in France. This exclusion is something she believes to be one of the main causes for the severe suffering being expereinced by the French, and many other countries across Europe at that current point of time. She illustrates that if women were given the right to vote, such as men, then the likelihood of France participating in the Great war would have been lessened, as feminism would have prevailed and used other means - “moral strength and intellectual values” rather than the violence and suffering that accompanied the conflict and the beast-like nature of men. Many other feminists across Europe highlighted a similar point during this time, illustrating the lack of compensation and the extent of the wars consequences on all of the nations citizens, half of which had had no input into its occurrence due to their lack of political rights. (Grayzel, Susan R.2002) Brion also mentions this particular point, but does do by forcing her target audience to question their logic
Lila Abu-Lughod’s article titled, “Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving?” takes a closer look at the problematic ethnocentric approach many have when trying to gain an understanding of another culture that may be foreign to that individual. In this analytical paper, Lughod looks at women in Islam, specifically the treatment of women and how it might be utilized as a justification for invading into a country and liberating its people. The country Lughod refers to in her article is Afghanistan, and Lughod points out the misunderstanding from the people to the Bush administration like First Lady Laura Bush who believed that intervention was necessary to free women from the captivity of their own homes. It is important to consider the role that different lenses play into all of this, especially when one’s lenses are being shaped by the media. Depictions of covered women secluded from society leave a permanent image in the minds of many, who would then later support the idea of liberation. This paper will discuss that the practice of using propaganda when referring to the lifestyle in the Middle East is not exclusive to the U.S; rather it has been utilized throughout history. Additionally, we will take a closer look on the importance of symbols, such as veils in this case; help to further emphasize the cause to liberate. Finally, we will analyze Lughod’s plea towards cultural relativism and away from liberal imperialism.
Before 1954, Algeria was not considered to be a French colony - rather it was seen as an integral part of France. The region was composed of departments, like those of the mainland. There were over a million white French nationals living in Algeria at the time and around eight million Muslims.3 This was a greater proportion of French nationals than in the other major North African colonies of France - Morocco, and Tunisia.4 Although there were benefits to remaining with France, the colonial administration was heavily weighed against the Muslims - particularly with regards to voting rights. In 1936, for instance, the Popular Front Government of Blum introduced legislation to the Assembly proposing to extend French citizenship to over twenty thousand Algerian Muslims.5 The initiative failed when all the European mayors of Algerian towns resigned in protest.
The peasant French women played a large role in the Revolution because of their aggression, zeal and participation in the Sans-Culottes’ protests. There was a riot police handled on February 25th 1973 where “there was a new crowd of citizens there… But we had brought along with us many armed citizens who dispersed this mob. We saw there a citoyenne… who was influencing people and stirring up trouble.” Police had to quell another riot caused by the women’s reaction to the high sugar prices when “the women, above all, were the most enraged… and the most threatening… they were real furies,” and the fact that “they didn't burn anything… was a major gain.” ...
There seems to be a question of what resources are given to women in the Middle East and North Africa for them to have social change and be given the rights that they declare. Based upon their age, sexual orientation, class, religion, ethnicity, and race this identifies someone’s social status which results in the ge...
Last year, the Ukrainian feminist group FEMEN caused controversy when they protested topless in front of mosques to support Amina Sboui’s own topless protest in Tunisia. The controversy the group created was not so much about their support of Amina as much as it was about the way in which they decided to protest and their belief that Muslim women do not have a voice and need rescuing. After looking up interviews and articles from both sides of the controversy, it seemed that FEMEN has fallen into an orientalist view of Arab and Muslim women, which has many parallels to the headscarf controversy in France. In this paper, I argue that FEMEN’s “Topless Jihad” campaign is racist in two ways: First, in their orientalist view of Arabs/Muslims as the “other” that needs to be saved; and, second, through their belief that western values are superior and more “modern” than Arab/Muslim’s beliefs (mainly in regard to the headscarf issue).
For centuries, educated and talented women were restricted to household and motherhood. It was only after a century of dissatisfaction and turmoil that women got access to freedom and equality. In the early 1960’s, women of diverse backgrounds dedicated tremendous efforts to the political movements of the country, which includes the Civil Rights movement, anti-poverty, Black power and many others (Hayden & King, 1965). The Africa...
Deeb, Mary-Jane. Freedom House. Women’s Rights in the Middle East and North Africa-Oman, 2010. http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=179 (accessed August 14, 2010)
Aldridge, Delores P., Carlene Young. "Africana Womanism: An Overview." Out of the Revolution: The Development of Africana Studies. Lexington Books, 2000: 205-217. The University of Missouri-Columbia. Web. 11 April 2014.
Mariamma Ba’s So Long a Letter and the role women and impact of western culture on Islamic women in post-colonial Senegal: A critical analysis of Aissatou.