This research essay contributes to the debates on the transformation of ethnic developmental policy since the foundation of People’s Republic of China since 1949 by tracing the relationship between the rapid growth of China’s economy, especially after the reform era in the late 1970s and the economic development in ethnic minorities areas as well as briefly discussing the impact of modernization process which may cause positive or negative effects toward ethnic minorities in terms of the traditional culture, habits and customs, etc., and analysing their mutual interplay. In the essay, by tracing the influences of economic growth toward Han Chinese and Uygur ethnic group in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region (XUAR) as a paradigm, this essay …show more content…
2013, p.1). To the leadership of China, the developmental policies toward ethnic minorities have always been a consistent part on the CCP’s path to achieve the goal of great unity of the people of Chinese ethnic groups since the Mao’s era. Yet, the changes of developmental policies have taken place parallel with the alternation of CCP’’s leadership and China’s growing economic as the incumbent state elites trying to eliminate the conflicts between ethnic groups by adopting different approaches and polices (Silh, 2007, p.26). Balancing the ethno cultural diversity and dignity as well as interethnic cohesion has been a constant challenge for Chinese leaderships. With sizeable ethnic minorities population and despite the episodic interethnic conflicts, it could be suggested that the CCP has, especially after the Mao’s period in 1976, done a relatively competent job for maintaining ethnic tensions (Leibold, 2013, p. 5). However, as Leibold (2013, p.5) argued that the times of interethnic conflicts are still growing as the free—market forces and China’s growing economic increased and the improved interethnic communication via different medias have …show more content…
In the words of James Leibold, today’s Chinese ethnic policy is concentrated on the preservation of ethnic cultural diversity and gradually development that guided by the state government, which could lead each ethnic group to the path of socialist modernity and final victory of common prosperity by its own mean and own terms (Leibold, 2013, p.6). This policy consists with three parts: 1. The identification and classification of each ethnic groups. 2. A system of regional autonomy for ethnic minorities. 3. A series of preferential minority—treatment policies. These policies have been implemented by the state government for several decades and a special fund for the ethnic minorities areas that issued by the central government have been strikingly increased every year, which especially after China’s economy has taken off since 1990s (Nolan et al, 2012, p.73). Taking XUAR as an epitome and example that has witnessed China’s growing economy, from the two statistical figures provided below, it is easily to demonstrate that whether from the rate of real GDP growth or the rate of GDP per capita both are keeping pace with the increasing rate from a larger national scale. It is proved that the preferential minority—treatment policy has effectively implemented and worked
A synthesis essay should be organized so that others can understand the sources and evaluate your comprehension of them and their presentation of specific data, themes, etc.
In the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks on the United States, President George W. Bush reached out to the world to back the U.S. in a war to eradicate terrorism. One of the more surprising participants in this coalition, China, had until that point been at odds with U.S. policy but seemed to find sufficient common ground with the U.S. to support the war. In recent months however, China has not been lauded for unprecedented cooperation with its “strategic competitor” but has instead been criticized for using the war on terror as carte blanche to step up its “Strike Hard” campaign in the Uigher Xinjiang Autonomous Region in the northwest, resulting in unprecedented numbers of executions of political prisoners, a suspension of free religious worship, and a general decline in respect for human rights. The western media has claimed that Beijing had been waiting for a chance to crack down on Uigher separatists and is now behaving as an opportunist to pursue these goals while the U.S. is in no position to decry its behavior. However, this opportunism argument only explains some of the recent actions in Xinjiang; in this paper I will seek to show that Beijing’s increased policing of Xinjiang serves primarily to demonstrate to the international community that it will not be excluded from Central Asia.
Theory of National Minorities," was published as Chapter 5 in J. N.p., n.d. Web. 7 Nov.
Sitting close to the edge of being a “developing” and a “developed” country, China is a difficult country to define neatly. It is a country with an ancient and traditional culture trying to position itself higher within the international community. Plus it is also a communist country that has come to embrace its own form of capitalism to fuel its economy. China’s economic boon has been beneficial to many people within the country. But not to all people within China evenly.
Despite the world being full of diverse people with varying accomplishments and skill sets, people oftentimes assume the qualities and traits of an individual based purely on the stereotypes set forth by society. Although these stereotypes are unavoidable, an individual can be liberated, empowered and ultimately overcome these stereotypes by obtaining an advanced education.
“China in Ten Words” undeniably exhibits the passion of the Chinese in a deeply intimate yet ominous manner. Hua directs readers along a progressive path, touching upon stepping-stones such as economics, politics, societal concepts and history. Such fields are meant to serve Hua’s ultimate objective to “clear a path through the social complexities and staggering contrasts of contemporary China.” It would not be far fetched to declare Hua remotely successful in hitting his target, although China remains a collaboration of successes and failures that arguably could use an additional word or two to address. However, there is no denying Yu Hua has stimulated the minds of reader’s, encouraging profou...
All through the extensive history of China, from the Qin dynasty to present-day, the Chinese government has been spectator to finish political reformations due to delicate periods in history merged with the soaring of a new movement rivaling for faithfulness of the people. Throughout imperial rule, the era of dynasties
With the Industrial Revolution and Age of Imperialism intensifying among Western nations in the 19th century, China faced an impending threat to its ancient cultural values. Pressured to adapt to the changing global environment but fearful of losing its traditional identity, China and its reform leaders have since attempted to incorporate a “ti-yong” distinction between utilizing Western function and preserving Chinese values, most notably in the Self-Strengthening movement beginning in 1860 and Deng Xiaopeng’s economic reforms of the 1980s. The Qing’s attempts at self-strengthening proved unsuccessful with humiliating defeats in the Sino-French and Sino-Japanese Wars in the late 1800s. However, Deng’s utilization of Western market techniques in China’s socialist state proved wildly successful, with annual economic growth of 8-15% throughout the decade. The disparity of success between these two movements demonstrates the evolving political strength of the Chinese state that has revolutionized in its sovereignty and organization since the mid-nineteenth century, providing the foundation for mass reform and Chinese modernization.
Television has affected every aspect of life in society, radically changing the way individuals live and interact with the world. However, change is not always for the better, especially the influence of television on political campaigns towards presidency. Since the 1960s, presidential elections in the United States were greatly impacted by television, yet the impact has not been positive. Television allowed the public to have more access to information and gained reassurance to which candidate they chose to vote for. However, the media failed to recognize the importance of elections. Candidates became image based rather than issue based using a “celebrity system” to concern the public with subjects regarding debates (Hart and Trice). Due to “hyperfamiliarity” television turned numerous people away from being interested in debates between candidates (Hart and Trice). Although television had the ability to reach a greater number of people than it did before the Nixon/Kennedy debate, it shortened the attention span of the public, which made the overall process of elections unfair, due to the emphasis on image rather than issue.
Whyte, M. K., (2010) ‘Do Chinese citizens want the government to do more to promote equality?’ In Gries, P. H., and Rosen, S., eds. 2010. Chinese Politics - State, society and the market. (Routledge, London and New York).
In this assignment I will be looking at David Beckham and how all 5 psychological perspectives have affected his behaviour throughout his life.
In particular, the whites are welcoming the Asians when compared to the people of color. For example, the Irish and Jews are considered non-white citizens but the American society has started to give them membership status to become “whites.” Thus, this paper focuses on the issue of Asians becoming whites by
Historical conceptions of China’s culture and global position shaped the PRC’s perspective. Central to this is Sino-centrism and its edict from heaven for dynastic China to spread civilisation (Xinning 2001: 70). Imperial China’s tribute system represented a “Pax Sinica” and the physical manifestation of Sino-centrism, with its success affirming Chinese cultural superiority (Y. Zhang 2001: 52). Instructive in this is Sino-centrism’s similarity to, and conflict with American Manifest Destiny, itself an articulation that Anglo-Saxon American’s are God’s chosen people, with a superior culture and who are pre-ordained to spread civilisation to inferior peoples (Hollander 2009: 169). The PRC’s nationalism can be seen in part as a rejection of this competing celestial mandate, linking China’s decline to foreign intervention and the acceding to unequal treaties that saw the loss of peripheral territories considered intrinsic to historic China (Kissinger 2011: 112). In this way, the PRC’s formation as a modern nation state is the recrudescence of Sino-...
In his essay Depoliticized Politics: From East to West, Wang Hui defines China’s tumultuous experience in the 20th Century as a “revolutionary century.” Founded upon the concept of class and culminating with the Cultural Revolution, the revolutionary spirit of the early years of the PRC provided political vitality to the Chinese party-state through public debates on modernity and democracy. Wang argues that the degeneration of the political vitality into a mechanism for “line struggle” in the course of the revolution triggered ‘depoliticization of politics’ in the Chinese party-state, which has become a defining characteristics of Post-Mao China. Wang further contends that the end of the revolutionary century can be marked by the failure of
To create a developmental model based on China’s characters is to use this standard of legitimization to construct a new policy of implementation. The political Confucianism advocated by Jiang Qing is focused on three ways of the humane authority, which is political power must meet the three kinds of legitimacy simultaneously for it to be legal and justified. First of all, political legitimacy must be sanctioned by the transcendental Tao implied in the Confucian Scriptures and interpreted by the prestigious Confucian scholars. This political legitimacy is represented by the House of Profound Confucians led by Confucian scholars and composed of proposed candidates. Secondly, it also must not deviate from the mainstream of the national cultural heritage and break the historical continuity of the nationality.