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Cultural revolution esseys
Essay cultural revolution
Essay cultural revolution
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In his essay Depoliticized Politics: From East to West, Wang Hui defines China’s tumultuous experience in the 20th Century as a “revolutionary century.” Founded upon the concept of class and culminating with the Cultural Revolution, the revolutionary spirit of the early years of the PRC provided political vitality to the Chinese party-state through public debates on modernity and democracy. Wang argues that the degeneration of the political vitality into a mechanism for “line struggle” in the course of the revolution triggered ‘depoliticization of politics’ in the Chinese party-state, which has become a defining characteristics of Post-Mao China. Wang further contends that the end of the revolutionary century can be marked by the failure of …show more content…
In her book Made in China, Pun Ngai supports Wang’s point as she maintains, “fashioned with a neoliberal discourse of modernity, the new hegemonic machine is geared up to denounce class as a relevant social discourse and refute Maoism, especially its tenet of perpetuating class struggle, as an obsolete and harmful mode of thought” (Pun, p28). In addition, due to the lack of collective political body to represent workers’ rights outside depoliticized party apparatus, workers find themselves difficult to defend their rights. In Restructuring and the Historical Fate of China’s Working Class, Wang identifies, “lacking mechanisms for broad-based and systematic participation by the workers… there is no way for ordinary workers to defend their interests (Wang, …show more content…
Fang affirms, “by putting an end to the internal ‘class struggle’… the current Chinese regime has been extremely successful in laying down a solid foundation for China’s social economic development, which institutionally discourages politics-related and war-related “destructive efforts.” (Fang, p233) Fang’s view is a direct opposite of Wang’s, who considers open debates on the party doctrines and policies as conditions for a sustainable political system rather than “destructive efforts.” Wang explains, “it is precisely these theoretical battles that maintain a party’s internal vitality” (Wang, p7). Furthermore, Fang argues that a “strong and stable top leadership” must “effectively keep under control the deep seated fear of disorder in both the bureaucracy and society” (Fang, p228). This statement implies Fang’s underlying assumption that the depoliticized state-party system is a solution for social disorder that produced the chaos of the Cultural Revolution. Whereas, in Wang view, depoliticization was, in fact, the cause of the social disorder during the Cultural Revolution. According to Wang, “the tragedy of the Cultural Revolution was not a product of its politicization… The tragedy was a result of depoliticization – polarized factional struggles that eliminated the possibility for autonomous social spheres, transforming political debate into a mere
The Sun of the Revolution by Liang Heng, is intriguing and vivid, and gives us a complex and compelling perspective on Chinese culture during a confusing time period. We get the opportunity to learn the story of a young man with a promising future, but an unpleasant childhood. Liang Heng was exposed to every aspect of the Cultural Revolution in China, and shares his experiences with us, since the book is written from Liang perspective, we do not have a biased opinion from an elite member of the Chinese society nor the poor, we get an honest opinion from the People’s Republic of China. Liang only had the fortunate opportunity of expressing these events due his relationship with his wife, an American woman whom helps him write the book. When Liang Heng and Judy Shapiro fell in love in China during 1979, they weren’t just a rarity; they were both pioneers at a time when the idea of marriages between foreigners and Chinese were still unacceptable in society.
Rae Yang’s Memoir “Spider Eaters” is a poignant personal story of a girl growing up amidst the political upheaval during the establishment of People’s Republic of China under Mao Zedong’s Communist leadership. Yang describes the fascinating journey of her life from her early years as the daughter of Chinese diplomats in Switzerland to a student in an elite middle school then a fanatic Red-guard and eventually a laborer in a pig farm. Her experiences through the revolution serve as an eye-opener and lead to her eventual disillusionment of the Communist revolution in China. There are many factors that contributed to her growing discontent with communism such as the anti-rightist movement which was an effort to rule out any criticism against the government, corruption and violence of the party leaders who abused their power and continued to exploit the peasants, the false claim of proletariat dictatorship used merely to eradicate bourgeoisie and further the interests of party members.
After Chairman Mao’s death, Ji-Li and the rest of China realize that he was never the right leader for China and instead of improving China’s society, he actually prevented it. In the end, Ji-Li knows she was brainwashed by Mao’s actions. The Communist Party told them what to wear, read, think, and how to act. They never let China be free to be who they are. It was not until Mao's death that Ji-li began questioning what they were told. “It was only after Mao’s death in 1976 that people woke up. We finally learned that the whole Cultural Revolution had been part of a power struggle at the highest levels of the Party. Our leader had taken advantage of our trust and loyalty to manipulate the whole country.” (Jiang, Chapter 18). Now, as an adult, Ji-li tries to bridge the gap between China and America. She loves the freedom she enjoys in America, especially that she does not have to worry about what she says or thinks, but she does not hate China. People can not use political corruption and injustice to get what they want out of society. Promoting equality and opportunities for all is key to improving society. We can not get behind beating people up or imprisoning them because they did not abide by society’s
Ever since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the legitimacy of the revolution of which it was built upon has perennially been in question. For example, in a 1999 issue of the International Herald Tribune, a prestigious scholar claimed that all of China’s tragedies are ‘sustained by a mistaken belief in the correctness of the 1949 revolution’ and that the future progress of China depends on the recognition that the revolution was a failure. However, the CCP government was certainly not perfect and its most significant failures were its political failures such as the Anti-rightist movement and the Cultural Revolution and also economic failures such as the great leap forward. Millions of peoples were falsely accused and persecuted during the political movements of the Mao period as the CCP focused on class struggle instead of economic development during the period and tens of Millions of peoples died due to starvation as there were widespread food shortages during the great leap forward movement.
Jonathan Spence tells his readers of how Mao Zedong was a remarkable man to say the very least. He grew up a poor farm boy from a small rural town in Shaoshan, China. Mao was originally fated to be a farmer just as his father was. It was by chance that his young wife passed away and he was permitted to continue his education which he valued so greatly. Mao matured in a China that was undergoing a threat from foreign businesses and an unruly class of young people who wanted modernization. Throughout his school years and beyond Mao watched as the nation he lived in continued to change with the immense number of youth who began to westernize. Yet in classes he learned classical Chinese literature, poems, and history. Mao also attained a thorough knowledge of the modern and Western world. This great struggle between modern and classical Chinese is what can be attributed to most of the unrest in China during this time period. His education, determination and infectious personalit...
In his 1937 film Street Angel, Yuan explores the inequities facing Shanghai’s urban proletariat, an often-overlooked dimension of Chinese society. The popular imagination more readily envisions the agrarian systems that governed China before 1919 and after 1949, but capitalism thrived in Shanghai during that thirty-year buffer between feudalism and Communism. This flirtation with the free market engendered an urban working class, which faced tribulations and injustices that supplied Shanghai’s leftist filmmakers with ample subject matter. Restrained by Kuomintang censorship from directly attacking Chinese capitalism, Yuan employs melodrama to expose Street Angel’s bourgeois audience to the plight of the urban poor. Yuan presents capitalist Shanghai as a binary and deeply unequal society, at odds with the “more pluralistic sense of cosmopolitanism” desired by leftist filmmakers of the 1930s (Pang 62).
Fairbank, John King, and Merle Goldman. "The Nationalist Revolution and the Nanjing Government." China: a new history. 2nd enl. ed. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006. 279. Print.
The Communist programs of Russia and China both appealed to a wide range of audiences but they focused primarily on the working class, or also known as the proletariat class. First, the Chinese worked on creating a conscious working class, making sure that they understood how low they were on the social ladder so that discontent could form, fueling the revolution (“Communism in China”, 3...
China’s Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution (GPCR) is a well-documented period in world history, but the most profound records are found vivified in the literature and films later into the 20th century, respectively. One of the most profound novels is “To Live”, authored by Yu Hua, which as a fictional narrative offers both a unique and realistic sense of the time period at the individual level. However, the provocative film adaptation directed by Zhang Yimou in 1994 was formidable enough that it was banned in Mainland China. Zhang paints a more realistic picture of how the GPCR influenced Chinese society but adds zest to Hua’s ambiguity but acceptable imperfection. Naturally, the film has many different characteristics yet still manages to overcome the challenges that implicate film adaptations.
In the accounts of a professor during the Cultural Revolution, “...Her husband’s voice declaring with icy piety that he could never live with her again... that she is no longer the mother of their three children” (Doc. 11), she voiced that the husband was more dedicated to the country’s cause, and chose to abandon his wife for a “correct” life. The unity in this situation was disrupted, for a marriage was based on dedication and harmony, but those aspects were ignored when the husband denounced her while she was being tortured by the students who caught her commenting negatively on the Chinese Communist Party. This placed the wife and the husband on different levels and equality was ruined, for she was beaten while her husband could walk away by divorcing her, which further supports that a faultless community cannot be established. Equally important, quoting Mao, “Always and everywhere he should adhere to principle and wage a tireless struggle against all incorrect ideas and actions” (Doc. 9). This thought explains the decisions of the husband; for Mao clearly expressed that the citizens should be “against all incorrect ideas and actions”. However, he did not elucidate the consequence of completely cleansing the population of tradition and rightist ideas, which was disruption of unity, and the values in his utopian vision were not emphasized; therefore, the people primarily focused on eliminating those who were against Mao, unconscious that this action led them further from the “ideal Communist society”. Fundamentally, Mao encouraged the people to purge the “wrong”, while being oblivious, or so he pretended, of leading them away from the society in his
It can also be argued that the political activities of Chairman Mao’s Communist China were more of a continuation of traditional Imperial China, based heavily in Confucian values, than a new type of Marxist-Leninist China, based on the Soviet Union as an archetype. While it is unquestionable that a Marxist-Leninist political structure was present in China during this time, Confucian values remained to be reinforced through rituals and were a fundamental part of the Chinese Communist ...
The spread of Communism and its ideals significantly increased during the final stages of the Chinese Civil War which intensified after the Second World War and resulted in a victory to the Communists in October 1949. At this time, the majority of the provinces in China were led by either the GMD or the CCP. However, the civilians in the GMD-ruled cities were suffering rapid inflation, strikes, violence and riots which led to a collapse of public order. Adding to this instability, corruption was rife within the Nationalist party’s lead...
China’s ruling party at the time was the Kuomintang (KMT). They had toppled the Qing emperor, but they were unable to truly unite the country. In 1923, the KMT and the CCP briefly allied to defeat the warlords in Northern China, but this was not an alliance that we meant to last; the KMT leader Chia...
“Marketization of the Chinese labor market and the role of unions.” Global Labour University Working Papers, vol. 4. [03 April 2014] 36. Zhu, Y. & Warner, M. (2000). “An Emerging model of employment relations in China: a divergent path from the Japanese?”
Zhao, S., (2003), ‘Political Liberalization without Democratization: Pan Wei’s proposal for political reform’ Journal of Contemporary China, 12(35): 333–355.