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Matewan and Norma Rae
Theoretically, the characters of both Matewan, and Norma Rae take part in a capitalistic society. In both situations the people are partaking in a form of labor market, where they are selling their time and energy. However, the town of Matewan, governed by the Stone Mountain Coal Companies' monopoly on the land and businesses, and isolated by distance and limited technology, as fallen into a feudalistic condition. Despite the fact that Norma Rae's small hometown of Alabama bears a great resemblance to the town of Matewan, their economic situation remains a form of capitalism. Though the Henely Mill is a dominating force in the small town, with a strong financial hold over the citizens, it is not as dictatorial of the society as the Stone Mountain Coal Company is over Matewan.
In signing the Stone Mountain Coal Company's contract the coal miners did not simply agree to sell the company their time and labor; they signed away their lives. In a capitalistic society one goes to work in an industry of their choosing, is compensated with a fair wage. In such a society the business one works for has no authority over where their workers eat, sleep, or spend their leisure hours. However, the town of Matewan is trapped under the hegemonic power of the coal company. The coal company has a monopoly over the predominant natural resources in the area. Their ownership is not only limited to the coalmines, but to the general store, and the much of the town's housing. Within the bonding contract of the mine workers are forbidden to buy their supplies from anywhere other than the general store, and are forced to reside in the coal company's housing. The coal company enforces this by paying their workers in company script...
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... were not only forced to reside in company housing and buy for the company store, but were also forbidden to launch a union. Norma Rae, and her fellow workers, were not under a binding contract to the Henely Mill; and were tied to the organization only when working on the grounds. Due to their contractual agreement, or lack thereof, the Henely Mill workers held the legal rights to form a union, where the coal miners were banned from us and undertaking.
A union formation was possible in Norma Rae's town due to one essential element: the legal rights, and government support. This was made possible by the time frame, and the geographical location of the small Alabama town. Rupert's odyssey to begin a union was fully supported by the U.S. government; he held the rights to inspect the mill, put up notices, and converse with the workers on their off hours and breaks.
The movie Matewan takes place during 1920 in Mingo County, Matewan, West Virginia. The theme of the movie is laborers unionizing across race and national origin in the face of strikebreakers, infiltrators, accusations of communism and violence. The men of the town are employed by the Stone Mountain Coal Company as miners. The miners dislike the treatment they receive from the coal operators and try to form a union to address their wages. The townsfolk create a union when the the price per coal goes down to 90 cents a tonne. The miners go on a strike. The coal company brings in strikebreakers who are African American men from Alabama. When the strikebreakers arrive in town, they are attacked by the union members. A worker for United Mine Workers witness the attack and decides to take up residency in
The Stone Mountain Coal Company wielded monopoly control over the town of Matewan through a feudal system of economic, cultural, political, and environmental processes. Every person in the town of Matewan came under the power of the company in one way or another. The employees of Stone Mountain were under a bondage contract with the company. Once they came to the company it was impossible to leave and at the same time maintain a basic standard of living. They could not leave also because once they signed on with the company they owed the company a large sum of money for everything ranging from the ticket for the train that brought them to Matewan to the equipment they needed to work there. In this way it was as if they were paying the company to let them work in the mines rather the other way around. They did not have the rights basic to capitalism such as the right to join a union, the right to sell their labor in a labor market to the bidder of their choice, and the right to spend their wage freely.
In 1921 Lewis was denied the presidency of the American Federation of Labor when Samuel Gompers was elected over him. During the following year, he would disagree with labor activist, Jones, over whether or not to set a date for the Kansas coal workers to strike against the “Industrial Slave Law”, which was intended to stop coal labors from striking. The UMWA fell from 500,000 to less than 100,000 in the 1930s, due to growing numbers of unemployment. In 1935, the Congress for Industrial Organization was form when Lewis and several other unions joined together. Lewis then became president...
The citizens of Matewan, a coal -mining town in West Virginia lived amidst a feudalistic class process. One may think of medieval times in connection with feudalism, but the film “Matewan” directed by John Sayles was based on historical events that took place in 1920. The feudal lord was not a European king, and the serfs were not farming his land. Nevertheless, feudalism existed in this southern town, as the workers did not have the ability to choose their employer. Unlike Capitalism, the members of Matewan could not go out into the free labor market and choose the businesses for which they wished to work. The Stone Mountain Coal Company made choice nonexistent and in doing so gained feudal power over the employees.
...er their conditions, as workers. Furthermore, unfortunately even with the formation of the union nothing is guaranteed. We see this in Matewan where the union was apparently unsuccessful in its mission. In Norma Rae we, as the viewers, can only hope that the established union would in the end prove to be successful.
All levels of protection for the miners failed them. Every agency that was entrusted with their safety had other concerns as priority. Mr. Scanlan submitted true and honest reports of violations over a long period of time but never went that extra step to enforce the law. State authorities should have acted when the initial reports were made. The Union membership was at risk and yet the Union never represented Local 52 nor gave it support when it tried on its own to get state assistance with their grievances. Politics and profit motivated elected officials appointees and the coal company.
When a group of people must adapt to a lifestyle distinct from the agricultural lifestyle one would not know what to expect. Like a nation that is just starting, it would take time to construct and enhance laws; it’s a trial and error process. These businesses were starting out and there were no regulations as to how to run them. Unquestionably, there were no laws imposed to aid the labor conditions of these employees like we know today. The testimony and interview proved that the 1800’s took advantage of the work of children, often depriving them of food. It was obvious most children stuck around due to the urgency of money, therefore I am sure employees threatened to replace them seeing how the money was needed for families. For those who worked in factories with heavy, dangerous machinery, they were prone to accidents or even death. According to the sub-commissioner, the young girls picked the coal “with the regular pick used by men” . It is typically easier for a grown man to lift a regular pick than it is for a young girl because of the physical development and obvious age difference. Still there weren’t any regulations to protect children against the harms of labor and their wages were unreasonably
[2] The Molly Maguires were one such labor voice, if perceived this way, one such tribe (both causally and ethnically), and one such milestone, active from the 1860’s to the 1870’s. It is this period in the Pennsylvania anthracite coal regions which the 1970 movie is based. Long before child labor laws, a minimum wage, suitable standards on working conditions, or any form of labor union (the first geographically encompassing the Pennsylvania coal region was the shabbily organized, often squabbling, General Council of the Workingmen’s Associations of the Anthracite Coal Fields founded on March 17, 1869 [Aurand 69]), the Molly Maguires were an active labor force, if one views them as such, or a marauding group of renegades, thugs, and Godless anarchists, if one is persuaded to perceive them in that light.
The Coal Strike of 1902 occurred as a result of many problems that were faced by miners. At the time of the coal strike there were 150,000 miners working in the mines (Grossman) Due to the depression of 1893, miners had their wages cut and were living in poverty (Grossman). Many miners were dissatisfied and looked to the United Mine Workers for support in raising their standard of living. This proved difficult since employers refused to recognize labor unions for fear of giving them significant control over the industry. In most instances of employee demands before 1902, employers would use government troops or hire immigrants to take the jobs of the strikers (David Kennedy).
Aboriginal people groups depended on an assortment of unmistakable approaches to sort out their political frameworks and establishments prior to contact with Europeans. Later, a considerable amount of these establishments were overlooked or legitimately stifled while the national government endeavored to force a uniform arrangement of limitlessly distinctive Euro-Canadian political goals on Aboriginal social orders. For some Aboriginal people groups, self-government is seen as an approach to recover control over the administration of matters that straightforwardly influence them and to safeguard their social characters. Self-government is alluded to as an inherent right, a previous right established in Aboriginal people groups' long occupation
Indigenous Australian land rights have sparked controversy between Non Indigenous and Indigenous Australians throughout history. The struggle to determine who the rightful owners of the land are is still largely controversial throughout Australia today. Indigenous Australian land rights however, go deeper than simply owning the land as Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders have established an innate spiritual connection making them one with the land. The emphasis of this essay is to determine how Indigenous Australian land rights have impacted Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, highlighting land rights regarding the Mabo v. the State of Queensland case and the importance behind today’s teachers understanding and including Indigenous
This film is based on the real life story of Crystal Lee Sutton and her involvement with Ruben Warshovsky and the organization of the textile workers at the J.P. Stevens Company in Roanoke Rapids, North Carolina (Labor Films). Sally Field plays the lead role of Norma Rae (Crystal Lee Sutton) fighting poor working conditions at O. P. Henley Company in 1978. This company is a southern textile mill, working with a union organizer to overcome pressure from management, implied dangers, and the struggle to organize her fellow employees. Although, the film is very entertaining, there are many examples of labor and management interactions including unfair labor practices by management, unfair labor practices by the union, and the procedural process of unionization process.
The formation of the factory was based in capitalism. Financial capital is used to gain access to resources. The textile factory that employed Norma Rae may not have been a purely capitalist environment, but the society in which it was constructed was fundamentally capitalist. That society permitted establishment of a union in the factory to ensure workers rights. The Textile Workers Union of America sent a representative to the factory to ensure that the company was obeying the laws of the greater capitalist society. Those laws were established with the passage of the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 (Wagner Act) which protects workers rights to unionize. The representative, Rueben Wychofsky, understood the provision of this law and its subsequent amendments and used his rights and the rights of the workers to create a union. This process occurred with the help of Norma Rae, an employee who rallied the other workers to exercise their rights. Society’s sanctions in the form of labor laws forced the factory to obey the conventions of capitalist society in the form of better working conditions and a fair wage.
Bandler grew up as a struggling Indigenous Australian. "We were always begging for books, never had enough and always wished for a piano or violin". Despite her struggles she went on to be the first Indigenous to complete the HSC in 1932. Even after Bandler grew up she experienced Inequality towards Indigenous Australians like- no rights to vote, unequal wages and other basic rights that had to be fought for. Bandler is recognised as a renowned Aboriginal Activist who played a major role in the 1967 referendum which was successful with a 91% majority vote.
The Stolen Generation has had a large effect on the stages of reconciliation between white and Indigenous Australia. With the acknowledges the Australian government has made to the neglect, and the abuse that has occurred to a large number of Indigenous Australians, further steps to reconciliation can be made. Events such as Kevin Rudd’s speech have been a large step towards reconciliation, with a formal apology acknowledging the many Australians that had been affected by these actions.