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Importance of social control in society
Importance of social control
Importance of social control in society
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Theories of knowledge and power, and the exploration of the relationship between these two intangibles, are not nascent to the field of political philosophy. Francis Bacon first stated that ‘Knowledge is Power’, suggesting that to possess an understanding of something was to exert power over it. However, this also implies that knowledge is subservient to power, and exists as an implement or expression of power. For Michel Foucault, the relationship between power and knowledge is much more intimate and inseparable. While Foucault would certainly accept that to possess knowledge is to exercise power, he uniquely suggests that the corollary also contains truth; namely, the act of exerting control or power provides knowledge. Moreover, our modern society represents a paradigm shift away from (but not the elimination of) the exercise of juridical power, ‘the right to death’, and in turn has come to embrace the exercise of biopolitical control, ‘the power over life’. In other words, Foucault contends that modern systems of control, particularly neo-liberal ideologies, operate to micromanage biopolitical power in order to gain knowledge of, and therefore power over, humanity. Juridical power is best understood as the power of repression, or the power exercised traditional by the Monarch in Classical Liberal societies. The power relations discussed in the works of early Social Contract theorists like Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau explore juridical power; the power to prohibit and punish, to subtract, deduct and supress. For example, legal strictures that seek to extoll a custodial punishment or monetary fine are an expression of juridical power. This also illustrates further the subtractive nature of juridical power,...
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...o do only serves to vindicate the systems of control that Foucault works to uncover. Though this non-juridical ‘power over life’ does not operate in a deductive fashion, the ability to resist power structures through opposition and disobedience is no less diminished. In my opinion, Foucault’s analysis is strikingly similar to Marxist theories of superstructure and hegemony, particularly the works of Ralph Miliband and Antonio Gramsci, lacking only the underlying acceptance that the motivation for the existence of biopolitical control mechanisms lies in the need to manufacture consent for the exploitative behemoth of Capitalist ideology. Indeed, the necessity of a system that requires the domination of proletarian society in order to facilitate the theft of labour without promoting the conditions for revolution seems to fit the modern supercapitalist model perfectly.
What is power to a human? As time has gone by, there have been many forms of control and influence in the world. Many strive to achieve total rule over a society or group of individuals. Yet the question still presents itself to the average man. Why does man desire power so greatly even though there is visible trouble that follows? Shelley’s Frankenstein, Vonnegut’s “Harrison Bergeron”, and Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar, whether through the situation or the character themselves, depict the evils and hardships due to an imbalance and poor management of power.
In this paper I will compare the theories and ideas from both Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France and John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty. In comparing these two philosophers, I will be paralleling their ideas and my own ideas I will be attributing them towards the modern day whistleblower, Edward Snowden. Political figures, government representatives and philosophy advocates have carefully studied Burke’s and Mill’s writings over hundreds of years to better understand their theories on governmental control in a society. One of, if not the most noteworthy concept in both their famous writings revolved around the concept of governmental control in a society. Both Burke and Mill have their own theories; they also have many convincing opinions that help them to sustain their own individuality. In order to compare their views of governmental control and relate it to Edward Snowden it is imperative to thoroughly examine and understand each of their perspectives on civilization and governmental control in a society.
Among the books discussed over the duration of the course, the most recurrent theme has been the dominance of power relationships and the construction of institutions driven by power. The framework for these socially ingrained power relationships that has been transformed over time has been laid out by Michel Foucault in his book Discipline and Punish. According to Foucault, power is everywhere, dispersed in institutions and spread through discourses. The state functions on a number of dispositions which are hierarchical, naturalized and are the modes of power for the power elite. The result of this social and economic control is observed in nations and across nations through the beauty myth, the prison system, the creation of informal systems or the overarching cultural hegemony and attempted reform of the non-western world. The key to the success of this has been through the misrecognition of the constructed systems of power which are instated through very fundamental mediums that they are not questioned. These structures of control by the state are adopted and reproduced from the base of the familiar, through arrangements and dispositions that pose themselves as natural, as they are embodied and programmed in the play of language, in common sense, and in all what is socially taken for granted. In this essay I will examine these above mentioned structures of the power and how these models are used to discipline individuals and states.
The movie “PRECIOUS KNOWLEDGE” is about the state of Arizona banning ethnic studies. The movie’s main focus is on Tucson High school, specifically the class known as the Mexican American/Raza Studies. They learned about the honest truths about America along with their own culture. However, many politicians saw this class as un-American and “Stalinist”. This movie showed that the students became thriving adults because they were able to learn about their own cultures. During a political meeting, many politicians felt like this was an unnecessary class that was wasting their tax dollars. One law maker goes as far to say that if Mexican Americans want to learn about their culture, they should go back to Mexico. Many people saw these Mexican American students as lazy and disinterested. This is related to the “canary in the mind pit” analogy because
Given the complexity of Foucault’s masterpiece, I will just provide a brief summary of the book, the five parts of it, and I will concentrate more on Foucault’s analysis of power, on his critique to the classical theory of sovereignty and examining his modern analytic of power, and on the relation to political philosophy.
(Flynn 1996, 28) One important aspect of his analysis that distinguishes him from the predecessors is about power. According to Foucault, power is not one-centered, and one-sided which refers to a top to bottom imposition caused by political hierarchy. On the contrary, power is diffusive, which is assumed to be operate in micro-physics, should not be taken as a pejorative sense; contrarily it is a positive one as ‘every exercise of power is accompanied by or gives rise to resistance opens a space for possibility and freedom in any content’. (Flynn 1996, 35) Moreover, Foucault does not describe the power relation as one between the oppressor or the oppressed, rather he says that these power relations are interchangeable in different discourses. These power relations are infinite; therefore we cannot claim that there is an absolute oppressor or an absolute oppressed in these power relations.
In conclusion, Locke, Tocqueville and Marx although living in different areas and differing in views, can agree that tyranny is something that cannot be tolerated in any society. These theorists recognize that tyranny has potential in any society and therefore each developed forms to resist oppression. Although their modes differ, it is clear in their writings that abusive power will eventually cease and become more evenly distributed to benefit the society as a whole.
‘“I had no money, I was weak, I was ugly, I was unpopular, I had a chronic cough, I was cowardly, I smelt…. The conviction that it was not possible for me to be a success went deep enough to influence my life’” (qtd. in “George Orwell”, 13). George Orwell is one of the most anthologized authors ever. He wrote numerous novels, essays, and critical writings. His work is believed strongly to be largely autobiographical because a lot of his real life has influenced his writing. Orwell’s works are greatly political. They are full of satire of the political wrong doings that he saw in the world at that time, and at the time what Orwell saw was the fallacies in the struggle for control and power in governments over the governed. Power is an interesting word in the English language; it has so many different meanings. Power in some cases can just mean energy. Like the power need to light up a house or the power needed to move a truck. However in this case, the word “power” takes on a darker more menacing connotation. Orwell’s definition of power is the possession of control or command over others; the political control of every aspect of a person’s life. Orwell writes about this theme on numerous occasions. Of these occasions there are a few works that stand out that best exemplifies the theme: Animal Farm, 1984, and “Shooting and Elephant.” It is in these stories that a recurring theme reveals itself. Power corrupts the people who wield it and strive to keep it strives to keep its subjects powerless. George Orwell, through his works, paints a concept of how the powerful can have rule over the powerless through the control of language and subsequently to control of thought.
In 1787, delegates representing twelve out of the thirteen met to try to create a stronger central government for America. At this time the Constitution of the United States was written. On of the main priorities in writing the Constitution was to guard against tyranny. Tyranny in government is defined as harsh, absolute, power in one individual's hands. The constitution guarded against tyranny by creating a system of separation of powers, large states vs small states, checks and balances, and federalism.
They are not only its inert or consenting target; they are always also the elements of its articulation” (Foucault, “Two Lectures” 34). Power may take various forms, all of which are employed and exercised by individualsand unto individuals in the institutions of society. In all institutions, there is political and judicial power, as certain individuals claim the right to give orders, establish rules, and so forth as well as the right to punish and award. For example, in school, the professor not only teaches, but also dictates, evaluates, as well as punishes and rewards.
Some theorists believe that ‘power is everywhere: not because it embraces everything, but because it comes from everywhere… power is not an institution, nor a structure, nor possession. It is the name we give to a complex strategic situation in a particular society. (Foucault, 1990: 93) This is because power is present in each individual and in every relationship. It is defined as the ability of a group to get another group to take some form of desired action, usually by consensual power and sometimes by force. (Holmes, Hughes &Julian, 2007) There have been a number of differing views on ‘power over’ the many years in which it has been studied. Theorist such as Anthony Gidden in his works on structuration theory attempts to integrate basic structural analyses and agency-centred traditions. According to this, people are free to act, but they must also use and replicate fundamental structures of power by and through their own actions. Power is wielded and maintained by how one ‘makes a difference’ and based on their decisions and actions, if one fails to exercise power, that is to ‘make a difference’ then power is lost. (Giddens: 1984: 14) However, more recent theorists have revisited older conceptions including the power one has over another and within the decision-making processes, and power, as the ability to set specific, wanted agendas. To put it simply, power is the ability to get others to do something they wouldn’t otherwise do. In the political arena, therefore, power is the ability to make or influence decisions that other people are bound by.
In this paper, I propose to examine some of the issues that arise as a result of the relationship between knowledge and power, and specifically those that concern who should control knowledge and disseminate it in society. This subject is discussed in the writings of Plato and is also commented on by such medieval thinkers as Averroes (Ibn Rushd), Moses Maimonides and St. Thomas Aquinas from the Islamic, Jewish and Christian traditions respectively and their views will be briefly outlined here. Despite the religious, historical and cultural differences which distinguish their approaches from one another, what is remarkable is the similarity in the conclusions that they reach about how noetic power and control is acquired and exercised. They all insist that knowledge should be made selectively available to certain individuals and groups according to noetic ability and social position in the context of the envisaged socio-political model of community that is in operation. Knowledge is perceived as a conserving influence on individual and political life, to be transmitted preferably in an essentially unaltered state in order to maintain sustain the desired socio-cultural value system and power structure. The emphasis is on respect for tradition and for the origins and status of the noetic content to be transmitted through the expertise of those delegated to act as transmitting agents. The content of knowledge is frequently portrayed as mysterious and mystifying, only capable of proper interpretation by appointed specialists. The role of teaching is consequently important since the teacher is the community's appointed expert for disseminating knowledge, as and when appropriate, according to the receptive abilities of those who learn.
Power is the ability to control or influence others, especially socially or politically. We often hear of the horror stories, in which corrupt dictators with too much power kill innocent citizens, eliminate all competition, and hurt others for personal gain. Power itself is not necessarily the bad thing here; it comes as an instinctive need to humans, rooted in the primal purpose of survival (Anchor text). The abuse of power leads to corruption. Power is an unstable force that can have positive or negative outcomes, depending on why it was sought and the attitude of those on the receiving end of the control.
Through the entire history we saw how human beings were fighting for power and their rights. Men or women, they were looking for power. Some people wanted that power to use it in a wrong way, for example, slaving others or steal people’s belongings. Other wanted that power so they can be equal. People of color wanted that power to be equal with white people, in most cases, and women wanted that power so they can be equal to men. It was not an easy journey and as we can still see it today all the problems are not fix yet and so there’s still women out there, fighting constantly, so we can all be equal.
Shaping knowledge is similar to reevaluating what a person may consider to be true. While this is neither a positive or negative thing, it impacts the progression of the world, in terms of societal cues, which is constantly reliant on continued shared knowledge among individuals. Shared knowledge shapes personal knowledge, and this is done by strengthening personal knowledge or by bringing its validity into question. This is dependent on the individual accepting knowledge. Some people may not have experienced a certain type of situation, so they would