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Bismarck and his role in German unification
Essay on the story of Italian unification
Essay on the story of Italian unification
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Recommended: Bismarck and his role in German unification
The divided European nations in the mid ninteenth century came under the control of Count Camillo Benso di Cavour of Italy and Otto von Bismarck of Germany, both leaders in unification and prominent figures in European politics. The Congress of Vienna after Napoleon reshaped boundaries based on previous monarchies and disregarded ethnic and cultural boundaries, leaving European states disconnected and detatched. At the time, Prussia and the German Confederation and the states on the Italian peninsula were each connected by shared languages, cultures, religions, and ideals. The Napoleonic wars sparked a common identity and surge of Nationalism for European states, which was channelled by Bismarck and Cavour to unify Italy and Germany. Additionally, …show more content…
However, they both disliked nationalists who asked for a republic or communist state because it threatened their power. European nations were phyiscally divided after the Napoleonic wars, but simultaneously brought together by the Nationalist spirits evoked in wartime. Liberal middle class citizens in Germany sought to transform absolutist Prussia, the most powerful kingdom in the German confederation, into a constitutional monarchy and unify the 38 states. Bismarck, as Prime Minister, also wanted to unify Germany but he did so in the interest of his own power and expansionist ideology. He sought to have German patriotism and glory in the unity of wartime, encouraging citizens to volunteer for their country which created the common identity and cause which is core to Nationalism. However, his dictorial actions overrode his hopeful liberal speeches to the Nationalists. He was known to override Parliament and rarely included elected officials in his decision making porcesses. Unlike Cavour, he was much more aggressive militarily and willing to achieve unification more militarily than Cavour. Cavour was a skilled statesman who was also a very intelligent diplomat, who was willing to encourage Nationalism to maintain control and amaldagate Italy. Cavour and Giusseppe Girabaldi organized the Red Shirts, an entirely volunteer based army that fought in Southern Italy and toppled the conservative princes. …show more content…
For example, Cavour was a former diplomat and based his political decisions strategically based on Italy’s relationship of other countries and maintaining the balance of power. Cavour was not as involved in the public sphere and gave far fewer speeches than Bismarck. Also, Cavour gave rights to unions, held elections that he approved, and implemented socialist welfare policies. Even though Cavour approved all political elections, he promoted universal male suffrage for the legislative body. He also implemented conservative actions including appointing ministers as puppet rulers, overthrowing the national Assembly and controlling the economy closely. Bismarck’s style of ruling domestically differed greatly from Cavour. To start, Bismarck was the sole unifier of Germany and his motivations of war left Germany a highly miliarized land that offset the balance of power in Europe and threatened other nations. Bismarck promised lower taxes, a legislative body, and universal male suffrage. It can also be argued that Bismarck was more of an expansionist than he was interested in unification. Bismarck’s motives to conquer territories were selfish and egotistic, with an end goal of increasing his own political power. Bismarck tried to inspire German pride and nationalism through his reforms, including “Kulterkampf.” Also, unlike Cavour, Bismarck expanded the reach of Parliament to unify Italy compared to
In 19th century Italian states united to make Italy while the Germanic states united and made Germany. For Italy there were three people who had a major role in unifying Italy. They were Mazzini, Garibaldi and Cavour. For Germany it was more like one person who united the German states to make Germany and that was Bismarck. On the other hand there was a strong Austrian empire that would not tolerate any nationalist feelings to rise anywhere in Europe.
In document 3, it states “Nationalism has become general; it grows daily; and it has already grown strong enough to keep all the part of Italy united despite the differences that distinguish them.” This is saying that even though in the different regions of Italy have differences they still come together as one. Nationalism is important to countries because it is the people taking pride for their country. An Italian nationalist led the rebellions then the state piedmont declared war against Austraila. Camillo di Cavour was one of the most important leaders of the Italian unification movement, he helped Italy become one nation. In document 4 it is saying that Germany was united by a common language and a common way of thinking. Germany’s revolution was inspired by the French revolution when they were trying to change their
In the late 1800s, Chancellor Otto Von Bismarck used different strategic plans in order to gain as much power possible, the majority of the plans consisted of him taking advantage of the different political parties. Bismarck used many traditional political strategies in order to gain the power he craved for, such as creating harsh laws and prohibiting certain beliefs or ideas. Unfortunately, these strategies did not satisfy the people, so Bismarck later started to increase the welfare of the working class, apologized to the Socialists, and did much more to obtain more political strength which eventually created a new conservatism. In an effort to increase political power for the Kaiser, Chancellor Otto Von Bismarck uses liberal and traditional conservatism strategies to gain power, but he later appeals to the wishes of the working class in addition to his traditional political maneuvers indicating his willingness to create a new conservatism. Bismarck’s government first passed four laws starting reasonably with the abolishment of restrictions on civil rights based on religious beliefs, but later descending to an irrational law stating that social-democratic, Socialist, and communist endeavors are to be prohibited (doc 1).
When Otto von Bismarck was recalled from Paris to become Minister-President of Prussia in 1862, German nationalism was already more than 40 years old. First apparent in the opposition to Napoleon´s occupation of the German states, national feeling grew into a movement after 1815. This feeling was encouraged by a growth of interest in German literature and music and by increased economic cooperation between the north German states. By 1848 it was strong enough to make the creation of a united Germany one of the main demands of the revolutionaries. Otto von Bismarck was a Prussian patriot who inherited the traditions of love of king, army and country from his family.
Bismarck and Cavour both had motives behind their actions. Bismarck was inspired by the need for change when he saw the conflicts arising in the constitution of the German Confederation. He decided that the way to unification was in physical action, not speeches and treatises. Cavour had founded a movement called the Risorgimento, which means resurgence. This movement was created to bring the Italian nation back to glory. He became a prime minister of Sardinia-Piedmont in 1852 which gave him the opportunity to seek Italian unification.
The Italian Unification was a big impact on Nationalism, which was led by Benso di Cavour, which supplied most of the ideology for the movement. Benso di Cavour was also the Prince of Piedmont-Sardinia and severed as King Victor Emmanuel II. Cavour built the strength of Piedmont-Sardinia by making a strong army, an environment that was healthy, and political freedom. Cavour was all for freedom of speech, gaining Napoleon III support by promising him Sa...
The goals of these two leaders were also very alike because of their fascist ideas. The keystone of the fascist political system was the leader: every person and every group, every lobby, lay beneath him on the same level. The Italian and German fascist movements tr...
There was no desire for a unified Italy, free from external control, but individual states. with their own control, and their own. Each revolution is separate. This meant that instead of a mass revolution of the entire country, which would have. been too strong to suppress, there were many smaller revolutions which were in turn crushed.
The Congress of Vienna in 1814-15 created the so-called German Confederation under Austrian and Prussian hegemony, but this unit disappointed the dreams of nationalists. The rivalry of Austria and Prussia paralyzed it in a way comparable to the effects of Soviet-American dualism on the United Nations during the Cold War. Almost everywhere, the old rulers repressed the nationalist movement after 1815. The German princes realized that nationalism required ...
Cavour's Diplomacy and Garibaldi's Ideas and Italian Unification The historical view of Italian Unification like other revolutionary processes of the nineteenth century has become a mix of both exaggerated myth and fact. With hindsight historians can now detach themselves sufficiently from events to distinguish, objectively which figures in the Risorgimento allowed it to result in the United Kingdom of Italy in 1870. Any historical movement is a culmination of events and combination of different figures. Both Giuseppe Garibaldi and Count Camillo Benso di Cavour emerge as leading figures in the movement.
The revolutionaries in Italy had longstanding grievances, some were nationalists and some were liberals. Despite all having different ideas and aims they all resoundingly agreed that Italy needed change. The hopes of the various revolutionary groups had been raised by the election of Pope Pius and Charles Albert the King of Piedmont Sardinia. However, their hopes and resulting revolutions were crushed due to many concerning factors.
Economically, he made a potential of fertile land and wealth, and politically he created a constitutional government, making it so 2% of the population can vote. His economic reforms included, introducing the national bank investment into public use. He also improved infrastructure by developing railways, and creating the Cavour Canal for modernized agriculture. Not only this, but he also increased trade. He brought forth political modernization by instituting freedom of press, academic freedom, meaning all citizens, but women, can vote, and universities can choose their curriculum. He also brought forth the freedom to form political parties, and the Siccardi Laws. The Siccardi Laws reduced the power of the Catholic Church by not letting The Church hide anyone, and Clerics were also tried in secular courts, which put The Church back into public law. This means that if anyone in The Church is against Cavour, then they can go to jail. This made the state the highest political authority, and allowed Piedmont the right to prosecute member of the church and their supporters. This shows that even though Garibaldi had immense success on the battlefield, Cavour did more behind the scenes, and brought unification towards everyone even regular citizens, and those with high
However, it was not unified: Count Camillo di Cavour favored the domination of Piedmont and French liberalism; Vincenzo Gioberti led the conservative nationalists under Pope Pius IX; Mazzini led the Young Italy in pursuit of a republic. Lombardy and Venice both declared themselves free of Austria and in favor of a united Italy. Carlo Alberto, the king of Piedmont Sardinia, took control of the Italian forces to fight for the independence of the northern
In Italy, Garibaldi and Cavour had attempted to bring the states and regions of Italy back together to unify all of parts of the country. Cavor and Garibaldi’s tactics had differed greatly and also were very similar to the tactics that Bismarck had used to unify Germany. Bismarck used many tactics to help unify Germany.
“Bismarck and German Nationalism.” The American Historical Review Vol. 60, No.3 (1955): pg. 78. 548-556.