Within this utterance from Faye, four types of connected speech processes have been demonstrated. Firstly, Faye demonstrated the connected speech process of deletion in the word “just” by deleting the final consonant /t/. In isolation form, the word “just” would be pronounced as /ʤəst/, with the inclusion of the final consonant /t/. Secondly, in this utterance there was a reduction of vowels to an unstressed form by implementing a /ə/ into the function word “of”. This reduction of a vowel to a schwa in Faye’s utterance is due to a lack of stress on this function word in connected speech. In isolation form, the word “of” would be pronounced as /ɔʄ/. A second instance of reducing vowels to an unstressed form occurs in the utterance “to”, by implementing a schwa in place of a /ʉː/. In isolation, the word “to” would be pronounced as /tʉː/. A third connected speech process that has been demonstrated in Faye’s utterance is segment deletion from the removal of the unstressed syllable from “family” in connected speech, taking this word from three syllables to two syllables. In isolation form, the word “family” would be pronounced as /ʄæməliː/. Lastly, in the word “trying” the final velar nasal consonant was replaced …show more content…
with an alveolar nasal consonant to produce an informal version of the word “trying”. In isolation, the word “trying” would be pronounced as /tɹɑeəŋ/. In comparison to Faye’s style of speech, Lisa presents with a professional and articulate style of speech. Lisa’s formal style of speech contains a number of different social idiolects compared to Faye. Faye’s dialect is strongly influenced by her being of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander descent; compared to Lisa, who is of European descent. In the spectrum of language formality, Lisa utilises a consultative register as she has engaged in a professional discourse throughout the video scenario. In the scenario, Faye presents with a casual register in the spectrum of formality as she uses a raised voice and slang from her dialect. In the video, the presence of connected speech features is prominent in Faye’s speech. In the above sentence, Faye utilised connected speech features to produce informal versions of a word, reduce the amount of syllables present and delete consonants. On the other hand, Lisa’s speech utterances did not feature any significant connected speech features. Faye and Lisa’s styles of speech strongly reflect their differences in contextual roles and situations. Lisa’s formal style of speech is reflected in the use of professional jargon and use of standard connected speech processes. Whereas, Faye’s contextual role as a patient seeking information is reflected in her use of casual word and phrase choices, with many instances of non-standard connected speech processes. Faye’s speech in the video scenario contains a number of morpho-syntactic patterns to change the meaning of her speech. From the above excerpt of Faye’s speech, affixation has occurred in the word “trying”. “Trying” consists of two meaningful morphemes, “try” and “-ing”. “Try” has the ability to meaningfully stand alone, and is referred to as a free morpheme; and “-ing” which cannot meaningfully stand alone, is referred to as a bound morpheme. The inflectional bound morpheme of “-ing” has been affixed to “try” as a suffix to form a new lexical meaning appropriate for Faye’s sentence. At approximately 1:36 in the scenario, Faye utilised derivational morphology to change the word meaning and word class of the singular word “frighten”. Faye stated that she was feeling “frightened” about the prospect of taking tablets. The word “frightened” is created by adding the past tense suffix of “-ed” to the word “frighten” to describe the emotions that Faye is feeling. This has also changed the word class of “frighten” from a verb to an adjective. In contrast, Lisa utilises some similar and some different morpho-syntactic patterns to alter her interaction with Faye in the clinic. At approximately 3:34 in the interaction, Lisa utilised the morpho-syntactic pattern of compounds to combine two free morphemes to form a new word. Lisa combined “every” and “day” to form the word “everyday” to create an adjective to describe the frequency of taking tablets. Similarly to Faye, at approximately 3:36 in the interaction, Lisa utilised inflectional morphology to affix the bound morpheme of “-ed” to change the tense of the word. Lisa affixes the bound morpheme of “-ed” to the word “addict”. Standard Australian English is the form of the English language that is widely regarded as the usual correct form, with respect to spelling, grammar, pronunciation and vocabulary. Typical patterns of standard Australian English include a greater tendency to use syllable assimilation and consonant elision while speaking, and to use restricted intonation and speak slowly. In contrast, non-standard patterns in Australian English are often regarded as scarce, illogical and incomplete in comparison to standard Australian English. A typical pattern of non-standard Australian English is to negate the verb and change phrases from indefinite (“something”) to negative indefinite (“nothing”) in utterances (Fromkin et al., 2015). The adoption of a higher or lower prestige dialect is dictated by Faye and Lisa’s identification with their own sets of social values, norms and attitudes. The grammatical features in both Faye’s and Lisa’s speech distinctly reflect their different social and cultural roles.
Faye’s non-standard patterns of Australian English directly link with her Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultural background. A distinct difference between Faye and Lisa is that Faye has placed a past participle in place of the standard past-tense form to omit the verb “have” in her utterance. This grammatical pattern has shortened Faye’s utterance and unspecified the tense in which she had viewed the treatment of her people. In comparison, Lisa has used the standard Australian English grammatical patterns of conjunctions, tense and personal pronouns to display her identification with the medical profession values, norms and
attitudes. Faye’s lexical-semantic choices distinctly reflect her Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultural background and strong sense of cultural identity. Faye utilised terms such as “white fella” and “sister girl” to describe the male student doctor that consulted her, rather than her close friend. Lisa’s lexical-semantic choices distinctly reflect her position in the workplace and her own cultural upbringing. In the video, Lisa used terms such as “have a yarn” and medical terminology to describe having a chat with a counsellor about taking anti-depressant tablets. Both Faye and Lisa utilise colloquialism as a lexical-semantic feature to reflect their different contextual roles and situations. Direct speech acts are those in which the speaker’s meaning, intention or desired outcome are directly stated in the syntactic structure; whereas, indirect speech acts are not directly encoded syntactic structure. Lisa’s first speech act (Approx. 2:05) indirectly asked Faye if she has time to discuss taking anti-depressant tablets. This speech act is specifically performing a question, as Lisa is indirectly asking for information about whether Faye has time to discuss taking the tablets. Lisa’s first utterance also takes an interrogative sentence structure, as she is asking Faye a question to which Faye responds with “yes, okay yes”. Lisa’s second speech act (Approx. 3:10) makes a direct statement to inform Faye of the timeline of taking anti-depressant tablets. This speech act is directly performing as a statement with declarative structure to inform Faye of the process of taking anti-depressant tablets. In response to Lisa’s declarative statement, Faye responded with a nod of agreeance, as she was listening to the information being provided by Lisa. In the above utterances spoken by Lisa, her intonation remains relatively stable. However, on the last syllable of each spoken phrase her tone rises or lowers in tone. Lisa’s indirect speech act (2:05) of a question, follows with rising pitch on the last syllable. Lisa’s direct speech act (3:10) of a statement, follows with a falling pitch on the last syllable. Lisa has met the expected association between speech act and intonation in each of her utterances, as Australian English is an intonation language and pitch is used to change the meaning of whole sentences.
This chapter focused mainly on misconceptions and attempting to clarify those misconceptions about accents. In the opinion of linguists, accent is a difficult word to define. This is due to the fact that language has variation therefore when it comes to a person having an accent or not, there is no true technical distinction because every person has different phonological aspects to their way of speaking. However, when forced to define this word, it is described as “a way of speaking” (Lippi-Green, 2012, p.44). Although Lippi- Green identified the difficulty linguists have in distinguishing between accent, dialect, and another language entirely, they were able to construct a loose way of distinguishing. Lippi- Green states that an accent can be determined by difference in phonological features alone, dialect can be determined by difference in syntax, lexicon, and semantics alone, and when all of these aspects are different from the original language it is considered another language entirely (Lippi-Green, 2012).
Elie Wiesel, a holocaust survivor, delivered The Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech, in Oslo on December 10, 1986. He started his speech off by reciting the following prayer: "Barukh atah Adonai …shehekhyanu vekiymanu vehigianu lazman hazeh"—"Blessed be Thou…for giving us life, for sustaining us, and for enabling us to reach this day." Then, after his speech, the people thanked him for everything he had done to help humankind make peace. With a profound sense of humility, he accepted this honor.
Aboriginal Australians speak a variety of languages and language variants that differ in how much or little they resemble Standard Australian English. When European settlers first came to Australia, approximately 250 Indigenous languages were spoken (McKay, 297). Due to the repressive language assimilation policies that ensued, this number has been cut in half (McKay, 297). About 100 of the languages that still exist are in advanced stages of endangerment with a small number of speakers among o...
Mentioning a diversity of culture and language in Australia with Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander Australians, the fact sheet indicates that these cultural differences may impact on the practitioner-client relationship and on the delivery of services. Therefore, in order to achieve good practice and health outcomes, physiotherapist should effort to understand the cultural needs and contexts of different patients. To be specific, practitioners need to be aware that some patients or clients have additional needs and modify their approach appropriately. For example, the Code of conduct strongly recommends becoming familiar with and using qualified language interpreters or cultural interpreters to help meet the communication needs of patients. Besides, it also includes more detailed information about Indigenous Australians. It stipulates significant disparities in the health status of Indigenous Australians result from the socio-economic inequities. Lastly, it is also comprised Aboriginal people’s preference of consultation or treatment by a same gender practitioner because of their traditional
The role of respiration in speech is to provide a column of compressed air so we can produce sounds by pushing it through tightly compacted or nearly closed structures of the vocal tract. We need to be able to breathe in order to speak or else no sound would project and we would be dead without breathing. The compression of air allows us to make three basic sounds that resonate through our vocal tract. It allows us to make sound, phonation, make plosive sounds, sounds that we trap air to build up pressure then release which results in a popping sound, and then a fricative, when we force air through a constricted place which results in a hissing sound.
Peter R. Mitchell and John Schoeffel. New York: New Press, 2002. 135. The syllable of the syllable. Loewen, James.
This research is intended to analyze the transcript of a child’s speech. The target child is a female named Majorie who is 2 years and 3 months old. The transcript is from The Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology. The linguistic aspects that will be examined are the phonological processes of the child including speech errors, syllable shapes, and her phonetic inventory consisting of manner and place of articulation. Included in the analysis will be her stage and development of lexical knowledge and what words she uses.
Once while your run by speeches that are very powerful and motivational in a sense such as; I have dream speech or in this instance, Michelle Obama’s commencement speech at Bowie State University in 2013. It can be inferred that Obama really cares about pushing and help the next generation to preserve, by pursuing a higher level of education. Not only in her speech does she exudes this excess of exuberance for higher knowledge, but it also seen throughout her valiant efforts throughout one of her programs “Reach Higher Initiative”, which helps revitalize or push young adults and adolescent to continue their education after high school. It is only right throughout Obama’s speech to push education as hard as she did and by doing so she used a
This does not negate the importance of the laborious work required from phonologists. Various attempts were made to investigate into the nature of syllabic consonants. The buzzling behavior of syllabic consonants is manifested in different ways. For instance, Syllabic consonants without an inserted schwa can be evident in some cases as in bottle and button, but it is not in national [/næʃn̩l̩/, /ˈnaʃənəl/]. What Roach (2005) has proposed as optional and obligatory syllabic consonant can solve the discrepancies between pronunciation and theory, but this distinction does not address the phonemic identity of syllabic consonants; it merely categorizes. Similarly, the linear approach of Wells (1995) can help in understanding the nature of syllabic consonants, but it falls short in offering a unified explanation. In most cases, sonority approach can resolve the issue of the formation of syllabic consonants. Finally, it can be said that to understand syllabic consonants a thorough study of the structure of the syllable is a prerequisite. Different approaches to the syllable result in different approaches to syllabic
Niemi, Jussi and Matti Laine. 1997. Slips of the tongue as linguistic evidence: Finnish word initial segments and vowel harmony. Folia (Linguistica 31. 161=175.
Hence, the overall goal of this study is to investigate the Hasawi plosive phonemes and how they shape different allophones. This paper is divided into five main sections: the first section is an introduction of the topic including an overview of the dialect; the second section is a review of the literature which includes brief previous related studies; the methodology used for this study is described in the third section; the fourth section demonstrates the findings of this study; and finally the conclusion.
Coming into speech class, I mentally and physically prepared myself for what was in store. I never really like giving speeches, especially impromptu speeches. Signing up for speech was hard for me to do because I absolutely did not want to take it and was considering not taking it in high school and wishing that I would never have to take it. My fears for COMM 101 was being judged. I am not really one to care about what people think about me, but something about public speaking gives me a fear that people will judge me if I stutter or not be able to complete a speech. I just wanted to do my best in this class and just breeze through this class and get it over with. Getting up in front of the class for my first speech, was petrifying for me
Syllabic consonant is a significant feature in the phonetic and phonology of the English Language. It is defined as "a consonant, either l, r or a nasal, [which] stands as the peak of the syllable instead of the vowel" (Roach, 2009, p. 79). Basically, syllabic consonants are liquid and nasal sounds. They are also known as sonorant sounds which function as the nucleus in weak syllables, and are non-syllabic elsewhere. Syllabic consonant is a very common phenomenon in English. Thus, this paper will explain the origin of syllabic consonants, and the phonetic as well as the phonological aspects of them.
Vowels are represented by five letters and twenty phonemes that are divided into seven short vowels e.g. /e/ and /ʌ/, five long vowels e.g. /u:/ and /a:/, and eight diphthongs /ɪə/ and /ʊə/. Vowels are sounds produced by complete passage of air through the vocal tract, with no complete closure or stricture. Unlike consonants, all vowel phonemes are voiced. When dividing words into syllables, each syllable must contain a vowel and it’s called the nucleus of the syllable. Similarly to consonants, vowel phonemes are described according to the height and place of the tongue in the mouth and the shape of the lips. Firstly, tongue height in the mouth is divided into : high position as in the word keen /i:/, middle position as in the word girdle /ɜː/, and low position as in the word cart /a:/. Secondly, tongue position in the mouth is divided into : front position as in the word sheep /i:/, central position as in the word girl /ɜː/, and back position as in the word pool /u:/. Thirdly, lips positions are recognized as rounded as in the word horse /ɔː/ and unrounded as in the word ship
Problems in pronouncing consonants include the inability to produce the th sounds in words such as this and thin, the swapping of /b/ and /p/ at the beginning of words, and the substitution of /f/ for /v/. Consonant clusters, such as in the words split, threw or lengths, also cause problems and often result in the speaker adding an extra vowel: spilit, ithrew or