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Federalism in Canada
Is nationalism necessary for democracy
Federalism in Canada
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Quebec, “La Belle Province”, is a unique province within the Canadian federation. This uniqueness doesn’t come as a result of the beautiful landscapes or the widespread corruption in the province. Rather, Quebec’s distinctiveness stems from the complexities surrounding its national identity. These nuances intertwine with the already complicated political, economic, and social layers constitute the Quebecois intricate fabric. There are two ideal types of nationalism: ethnic and civic. Ethnic nationalism is based on a notion of belonging through shared ancestry and descent. It derives its puissance from the fact that a nation is made up of members that share a common blood line- historically, linguistically, and culturally (Muller, 2008) . Civic nationalism is characterized by the adherence to a nation’s democratic principles and political foundations and institutions. It offers a belonging that is open to anyone willing to accept these values, in addition to birth and naturalization ( Stilz, 2009) . However, there may be other emerging forms of nationalism being observed in the Québécois context. With regards to modern Quebec, the question that poses itself: what is the prevalent type of nationalism in the province? In this paper, I attempt to answer such question by providing three arguments that elucidate the complexities surrounding contemporary Quebec nationalism. The characteristics of these types of nationalism are examined through their underlying ideologies that continuously influence the Quebecois political debate. Finally, the notion of ambiguity is contemporaneous depending on whom the question is posed to , and what factors one should focus on. Quebec’s current nationalism: civic Some contemporary elements of nati... ... middle of paper ... ... through immigration policies that offer settlement opportunities and encourage integration of external groups ( Stilz, 2009). The willingness of the provincial government to fairly deal with migrants from all over the world is reflected through the composition of instruments to facilitate this matter, such as the Bouchard-Taylor Commission(Tremblay, 2010).. Free trade nationalism is propelled by globalization as a mean towards economic and political sovereignty. However, this type of nationalism may work against the secessionists as it may give further power to the Canadian federation (Hamilton, 2004). Finally, left –wing nationalism is a composite of democracy and liberalism. Quebec Solidaire is a prime example that embraces diversity, independence, and openness. Built –in electoral obstacles may impede the party’s success; hence, retain status quo (Fidler, 2012).
Although, Quebec’s population share many similar characteristics amongst one another it is not essential to decide “the people” (Heard, 2013). To be considered a state you must represent all the people in it. Quebec prefers independences for the reason of a commonality
Nationalism is defined as love of your country. The basis for Canada’s national love of country is focused around three main ideas; devotion, sacrifice and willingness to die. These characteristics are displayed in the play Billy Bishop Goes to War. Thousands of young men were shipped off to war with these three great qualities. Billy Bishop was among those thousands and was an outstanding World War One pilot who displayed the three key qualities that our national love is based upon throughout the play. Being willing to do anything to protect our country and its freedom is nationalism.
Although Quebec is in Canada, a majority of Quebecers do not identify with the national identity of Canada. Both societies create a sense of identity as well as nationalism (Hiller, 295). Hiller mentions two approaches to assessing Canadian identity; the unitary approach and the segmentalist approach (Hiller, 277). The unitary approach suggests that society consists of people who regardless of their ethnic back ground, identify as belonging to the national society, while the segmentalist approach concentrates on groups and communities that share racial, linguistic, occupational, or cultural similarities (Hiller, 28). While most Anglophones are more unitary or pan-Canadian, Quebec heavily identifies with the segmentalist approach. This dissimilarity of identity perspective may be problematic for the country, at the same time however, it can also be viewed as a struggle where contradictory parties find a way to compromise and reshape Canadian society together (Hiller, 277). Canada’s former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau made it his objective to unite Quebec with the rest of Canada. In 1969 Trudeau’s government implemented Bill C-120, otherwise known as the Official Language act, which made French an...
The accumulation of prior events in Quebec dealing with the sovereignty movement and the responses from the federal eventually led to the creation of the Clarity Act in 2000. The outcome of the 1995 referendum in Quebec concerning the issue of sovereignty demonstrated a split in view from Quebec’s population. Indeed, the margin of difference between the two options was slim to nearly none by just over one percent (Toope, 1999, p.520). For years, the idea of Quebec’s sovereignty was left at that, simply an idea; the two referendums of 1980 and 1995 would transform the notion of sovereignty into an increasingly conceivable possibility. Thus, the federal government had to address the sovereignty matter in Quebec.
It is essential to acknowledge why Quebec wanted to separate from the rest of Canada twice and how Canada survived a close call to prevent a possible referendum in the near future.
There exists an ever-looming threat of Quebec secession, as the province pushes for greater autonomy, recognition as a distinct nation within Canada, and greater representation on the federal level. The federal government’s relationship with Quebec is one that exhibits the “paradox of federalism” as described by Lawrence Anderson in ‘Both Too Much and Too Little: Sources of Federal Instability in Canada’, the simple truth that in federations “federal institutions can prevent secession by satisfying some of the institutional demands of those who might desire more significant decentralization but they also provide institutions to those that might be in conflict with the center that can be used to mobilize for alteration…” He argues that the government of Quebec, due to it’s focus on autonomy and protection of identity, would be the province best equipped to secede with “minimal disruption”. In this, a shortcoming of strong regional autonomies in federations is made apparent: in attempts to accommodate diversity the nationalist regions are granted the institutional framework for secession. A push in the reverse, towards less regional autonomy may have similar results, however. As the federal government moves towards centralization to avoid this paradox, they are perceived as invalidating the terms of the federation, and nationalistic pushes for autonomy still
Regionalism is a growing concern for Canadians` as it affects economic stability, nationalism and western alienation. The economic stability is reliant on the regions having strong economic bases (Stilborn, 19). Nationalism with Quebec is a prime example of how distinct regional cultures hinder Canada’s unity, as they want to separate from Canada, while still having the federal Canadian government financially support them. Western Alienation is also a prime political culture that is regionally distinct.
Though diversity can be, and often is an asset, in the context of nationalism, so many variations among a nation in conjunction with globalization can cause an observer to believe that in a sense, there is no true Canadian nationalism. Prime Minister Trudeau may have indeed attributed nationalism and the foundation of a nation to will, but a desire to build a nation is insufficient for one to be formed. For a nation to truly be stable and unified, nationalism is key. In turn, then, this nationalism will result in citizens desiring to improve and further their nation. Despite the fact that will has indeed played a critical role in preserving Canada by helping to create nationalism during watershed moments in history such as the Patriote movement, key battles in World war I, and even Québécois movement today, it is i...
Mallory, J.R.. 1965. “The Five Faces of Federalism.” In P.A. Crepeau and C.B. Macpherson (eds.) The Future of Canadian Federalism. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
One of the common criticisms of national pride is the development of xenophobic, “Us vs. Them” thinking. Living in Canada, a nation which has a relatively small population of approximately 33,390,000, compared to America, a country of an estimated 303,824,000 people (Central Intelligence Agency, 2008), gave me a glimpse of how this kind of thinking can work. Canadian culture is, at its core, incredibly nationalist. Canadians have an irrational fear of cultural dilution at the hands of America's exported entertainment, news, and world politics. Given the fear and righteous self-view of the dominant culture, it is an inevitability that co-cultures separated from the dominant culture by national identity are treated as sub-cultures.
...to identity with at least one of the countries predominate languages, English or French, dictated the degree in which they could participate in Canadian life. According to the Commission, this participation was real under two conditions: “that both societies, the French-speaking as well as the English-speaking, accept[ed] newcomers much more rapidly than they have done in the past; and that the two societies willingly allow other groups to preserve and enrich, if they so desire, the cultural values they prize[d]” (RCBB Book 1 xxv). It creates an interesting take on the acceptance of those “othered” groups, as change was necessary not only on the part of the minorities but also from Canada’s French and English-speakers. The Commissions work remains focused on language and culture, more so than ethnicity amongst a bilingual, bicultural and “othered” Canadian society.
Since the very beginning of the colonization of Canada in the late 15th century, there has been a dispute and anger between the British and the French. This arguing is also present in the ongoing conflict between the French-speaking region of Quebec and the rest of Canada. The conflict has been discussed in the Canadian parliament and this is also the origin of the idea that Quebec should be an independent nation. The first part of the essay will cover the general history behind the dispute between Quebec and the rest of Canada. Then the essay will go on to discuss the positive and negative sides of a possible separation. The final part of the essay will compare the situation in Canada with the separation of Pakistan and East Pakistan in the 1970’s. Then go on to conclude whether or not a secession is possible for Quebec. Therefore, my research question is; is there a possibility that the province of Quebec could separate from the rest of Canada?
Contending loyalties are a problem many people around the world face, whether two nationalist loyalties come into conflict or a nationalist and non-nationalist the consequences can be dire if these contentions are not dealt with. To have a contending loyalty means to be loyal to two things, whether a nation, language, culture or many other thing and have the two come into conflict. When dealing with contending loyalties you have three options. You can choose one loyalty over the other, ignore the problem or find a way to include and accommodate both. Generally most people seek to accommodate both so that they can still have more than one aspect of their identity. Many Canadians face contending loyalties, especially aboriginal peoples and immigrants.
The most important value of nationalism to democracy lies in the fact that it has the capacity to unite individual citizens into a single entity with shared beliefs. Democracy requires a definition of demos or who are included in the game and who are not (Nodia 6). Wherever the boundaries of the playing field are in dispute, democratic institutions (such as participation, representation, or cooperation) simply cannot function. Thus, for democracy to o...
Canada and Quebec have always been in conflict from the confederation of 1867 to the Supreme court judgement on the secession of Quebec in 1998. Quebec faces several challenges in terms of constitutional relations with the rest of Canada. Quebec is seeking a special status to preserve and protect its culture and language, while the rest of English-speaking Canada accepts the view of provincial equality. There have been attempts to recognize Quebec's concerns through constitutional amendments, but these attempts have not lived up to Quebec's expectations and for the most parts have failed. Quebec has threatened Canada throughout history with separation from Canada. These threats have not been ignored, the rest of Canada realizes the devastating impact economically and politically if Quebec did separate but they cannot reach a compromise. Canada has as tried to encourage Quebec not to separate from Canada. In 1995 Quebec held its second referendum on sovereignly and the separatists narrowly lost the province wide. The province brought the case to the Supreme court of Canada to rule on the legal guidelines of unilateral secession under Canadian and international law, in the end some say the federalists (those not wanting to separate) came out on top. In this essay I will discuss the various historical attempts made by government to keep Quebec a part of Canada. I will also attempt to explain the impact of the Supreme Court Ruling on the Quebec secession. Many argue that the federalist won in the decision but that statement is debatable. Both Quebec and the rest of Canada won in the ruling. I believe that English Canadians should spend some time getting to know their French neighbors and vice ...