Wait a second!
More handpicked essays just for you.
More handpicked essays just for you.
Tiananmen square massacre
Tiananmen square massacre
Don’t take our word for it - see why 10 million students trust us with their essay needs.
Recommended: Tiananmen square massacre
Introduction In early June 4, 1989 the Chinese military regained control of Tiananmen Square in the People’s Republic of China. The military used violence and extreme force to clear the streets and liberate the Square from the students who had held demonstrations there since two month before. Estimations say that between 300 and 2500 protesters were killed by troops during that night, and many thousands wounded (Vogel 2011). The student led protest was a watershed in Chinese protest history, because never before a movement had gain so much momentum and support from various groups in Chinese society. The effect was felt around China and there were also many demonstrations of support for the movement in as many as 132 cities in the country (Tong 1998). It was the evening of October 2, 1968 when students in Mexico City gathered at the Three Cultures Square in the Tlatelolco housing complex to decide what steps to take against the government’s efforts to suppress the students’ movement. Just days before the military had seized the installations of the National University, and the National Polytechnic Institute without any resistance. All these events were developing only 10 days before the 1968 Olympics inauguration ceremony set to take place in Mexico. As students decided the movement’s next steps, the Mexican army arrived to arrest the movement’s leaders. An unidentified party fired shots, and the shooting that followed lasted more than two hours. The numbers of civilian casualties range between four and three thousand people (NPR 2008). In this paper I will compare both the Tiananmen and Tlatelolco student movements in their differences and similarities The thesis is that both the Mexican and Chinese governments used military fo... ... middle of paper ... ...2-24. Johnston, Hank. State Violence and Oppositional Protest in High-Capacity Authoritarian Regimes. International Journal of Conflict and Violence. Vol.6 2012. Pag. 55-74 Mendoza, Arturo. 2011. La Tortura en el Marco de la Guerra Sucia en Mexico: un Ejercicio de Memoria Colectiva. Polis 2011, Vol. 7 Pag. 139-179 Mulvenon, James, Yang, Andrew. The People’s Liberation Army as Organization. Reference Volume 1.0 RAND National Research Division. 2002. Pag 2-10. NPR. Dec. 01, 2008. Mexico’s 1968 Massacre: What Really Happened? Visited on May 24, 2014. www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=97546687 Tong, James. 1998. The 1989 Democracy Movement in China: A Spatial Analysis of City Participation. Asian Survey. Vol.38 Pag. 327 Vogel, Ezra. 2011. Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Pag. 211.
Starting with the first chapter, Deverell examines the racial and ethnic violence that took place in the wake of American defeat. In no more than thirty years or so, ethnic relations had appeased and the Mexican people were outnumbered quickly (as well as economically marginalized and politically disenfranchised), as the second chapter discloses. The author examines a variety of topics to further his case but the most compelling and captivating sections of the book come into the third, fourth and fifth chapters. The third chapter focuses its attention
8. Meyer, Michael C., et al. The Course of Mexican History, 7th ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 2003.
Gittings, John. The Changing Face of China: From Mao to market. Oxford University Press, 2005.
Rosales, F. Arturo. Lecture 2/14 Film The US-Mexican War Prelude. Weber, David J. - "The 'Path of the World'" Foreigners in Their Native Land: The Historical Roots of Mexican Americans.
Bauer, K. Jack. “Mexican War,” Handbook of Texas Online, last modified June 15, 2010, accessed May 2, 2014, https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/qdm02
Unlike any other Latin American country, since the nineteenth century, Chile has had a traditional electoral democracy. With its socialist revolutionary leader, Salvador Allende, creating the electoral coalition called “Popular Unity,” Allende won the 1970 presidential election of Chile. His presidency produced a radicalization among workers, but later his controlled insurrection was defeated by the uncontrollable revolution started by Chilean citizens. The military later overthrew Allende in 1973 and Augusto Pinochet assumed power. Patricio Guzman, a Chilean film director made a film of the depiction of student's reactions to his screening of The Battle of Chile, a documentary called Chile, Obstinate Memory. Even after decades of this regime, the student movement in Chile is going steady and this film compares and contrasts with it in various factors.
Bladerrama, Francisco E., Raymond Rodriguez. Decade of Betrayal: Mexican Repatriation in the 1930s. Alburquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1995. Galarza, Ernesto. A. Merchants of Labor: The Mexican Bracero Story.
Protests have long been a way for people to display their difference in opinion and gain support. One of the many protests against the war that had a powerful effect on public opini...
Political violence is action taken to achieve political goals that may include armed revolution, civil strife, terrorism, war or other such activities that could result in injury, loss of property or loss of life. Political violence often occurs as a result of groups or individuals believing that the current political systems or anti-democratic leadership, often being dictatorial in nature, will not respond to their political ambitions or demands, nor accept their political objectives or recognize their grievances. Formally organized groups, Non-Government Organizations (NGOs), businesses and collectives of individual citizens are non-state actors, that being that they are not locally, nationally or internationally recognized legitimate civilian or military authorities. The Cotonou Agreement of 2000 defines non-state actors as being those parties belonging to the private sector, economic and social partners and civil society in all its forms according to national characteristics. Historical observation shows that nation states with political institutions that are not capable of, or that are resistant to recognizing and addressing societies issues and grievances are more likely to see political violence manifest as a result of disparity amongst the population. This essay will examine why non-state political violence occurs including root and trigger causes by looking at the motivations that inspire groups and individuals to resort to non-conforming behaviors that manifest as occurrences of non-state political violence. Using terrorism and Islamic militancy on the one side, and human rights and basic freedoms on the other as examples, it will look at these two primary kinds of political violence that are most prevalent in the world ...
Organizing Insurgency by Paul Staniland, introduces the question, “Do resources like diamonds, drugs, and state sponsors turn insurgent groups into thuggish people or do they help build a more disciplined organization?” The reason this question is asked is because in some cases it suggests that “resource wealth encourages the degeneration of armed groups into greed and criminality” and other evidence shows that “external sponsorship and criminal activity can help leaders build organizations in the face of state repression” (p.142). This question is being presented because with different insurgent groups like the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) and the Hizbul Mujahidden, having very similar interactions with state sponsors, could have very different outcomes determining the fate of the insurgency. In looking at insurgent groups and how they operate, we are able to learn how some groups prosper while other groups fall apart.
Both Goldman and Walder make excellent points both backed by Pan’s book. The argument that Walder makes is very convincing: that government and all of its censorship is here to stay. The reaction to the reformers are usual overblown and extreme. They are also highly immoral and go against human rights. However, Goldman’s argument is much stronger. Since the rise of a semi-capitalistic society under the market reforms of the 1980’s and the Tiananmen Square protests the voices of political dissent and change have been on the rise, and from the examples provided, especially after the year 2000. The party has effectively been losing power thanks in large part to the internet and the rise of the lawyers like Pu. Therefore, the political status quo in China is changing, no matter what the party says.
...ences of Chinese political development, “I may not believe that China’s democratic model is completely mature or successful. But at least, I can claim that Chinese way of democracy is extremely distinctive from the Western liberal democracy. Different contexts and cultures from Eastern and Western countries decide the differences in democracy. Therefore, it is hard to explain the Chinese way of democracy through the existing Western democratic theories” (qtd in Yu). The Chinese democratic form basically fits into the process of modernization in Chinese society. It helps Chinese people to maintain social stability, protect citizens’ basic human rights, and promote China’s belief in good governance. To China, democracy could be an opportunity to not only bring good fortune to the Chinese people, but also contribute greatly to the advancement of democratic theory.
Throughout time China and its society has changed drastically. Rural society occupies about half of china today, roughly around 60 percent. They have very different ideas of living and life patterns. Some are beginning to become more modern, as some try there hardest to stay the same. People who live in these societies like how primitive and low the standards of living area, while some want change. Fei Xiaotong shows this throughout his book in detail. From the 1950s and on, China's revolutionary government had made great efforts to put the state and its ideology into contact with different villages and to push aside the intermediaries and or brokers who had traditionally thought central policies and national customs for those who lived in the village. The state and the people were pretty successful, establishing respected degrees of political and ideological integration of villages into the civilizations and the awareness of political ideas and goals within the states different policies. The direct direction of labor on collective fields made the usual practices of diffusing labor between villages nearly impossible. Registration and productive rationing systems trapped villagers to their homes and made it almost impossible for them to find their fortune anywhere else. Cooperation with different villagers and satisfying relationships with different village leaders became super important, more than they had already been in the past. The decrease of specific rural exchange, which attended the motivation for self-sufficiency in different grain production and other economic movements. This had harsh social as well as economic ramification.
78, no. 1, pp. 137-146. 5 (3), 27-45, http://www.politicalperspectives.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/Sino-US-relations1.pdf 9. Wang, Hui, “U.S.-China: Bonds and Tensions”, RAND Corporation, 257-288, n.d., http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/monograph_reports/MR1300/MR1300.ch12.pdf 10. Yuan, Jing- Dong, “Sino-US Military Relations Since Tiananmen: Restoration, Progress, and Pitfalls”, Spring 2003, http://strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pubs/parameters/articles/03spring/yuan.pdf 11. Yan, Xuetong. "
Zhao, S., (2003), ‘Political Liberalization without Democratization: Pan Wei’s proposal for political reform’ Journal of Contemporary China, 12(35): 333–355.