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In On China, a comprehensive guide to Chinese history, culture, government, and domestic opinion in relation to foreign policy and, specifically, interactions with the United States, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger emphasizes the importance of continued cooperation between the world’s superpowers. As the man who is in many ways responsible for re-establishing large-scale dialogue and trade between China and America after they “had, for twenty years, considered each other implacable enemies” (Kissinger 203.) Henry Kissinger is uniquely qualified to provide insight and an all-encompassing look at this foreign policy consideration from the perspective of the world stage, and also, to offer useful suggestions and predictions for the future. …show more content…
Kissinger notes that despite classical China’s superior technology, the nation rarely conquered other states, and was careful to reserve military force only for situations that required it (Kissinger 8). Moreover, China’s foreign policy philosophy differentiates from that of the West in that it is based on “subtlety, indirection, and the patient accumulation of relative advantage” (Kissinger 23). Finally, Chinese domestic attitudes are, and have always been, those of inherent, but not imperialistic, superiority; for years, foreigners were referred to by Chinese government officials as “barbarians,” and visitors were required to touch their heads to the ground “three times” when seeing the emperor (Kissinger 34). The culmination of these points is a prideful nation that wants to succeed not because other countries are evil, but because it is right; that has been historically weary of imported goods and people because they believe their domestic capabilities leave little to desire; and that has no problem judging international situations by merit and circumstance, as opposed to a single doctrine. If not carefully monitored and reacted to, China may develop a large scale …show more content…
Unlike the period above of essential independence and rivalry, following the Korean War and when the Chinese and American governments barely communicated, today’s leaders interact and work with one another regularly. The benefits of this relationship are abundant. Gone are the irrefutable geographic barriers of the past, as over ninety thousand Chinese immigrants come to America annually—a number that’s expected to grow considerably in the coming years (“Key findings of U.S. immigrants,” PewResearch.org).Furthermore, being a stark contrast to China’s past, today’s population relocation patterns are a contrast to nearly every other communist country; foreigners come and go to China with relative ease, and Chinese citizens are free to leave the nation, but the same cannot be said for states like Cuba and North Korea. China is America’s largest trading partner, and the countries conducted over $600,000,000,000 in business in 2016 (“The People's Republic of China,” USTR.gov). Chinese business professionals invested nearly $50,000,000,000 in US companies in 2016, and American business professionals spent almost $14,000,000,000 in Chinese firms during the same
...ities as a responsible state holder. One of the consequences of the international community questioning China’s military capabilities is that the international community could potentially induce an unproductive arms race with China. If China is to participate in the race, China will have a weakened competitive position in the races of economic and intellectual strength. Secondly, China will lose the ability to use its army as a form of soft power therefore making it harder to believe that China can be a responsible state holder since it will seem like propaganda. In terms of China, the world is in a very exciting position with the promotion of the China’s model an alternative governing system is being offered. However, we need to remain vigilant and aware for just as quickly as China rose, it has the potential to fall as well if it doesn’t play it’s cards right.
This investigation assesses the success of the policies of Henry Kissinger during the tense period of the Cold War and the sequential years, specifically pertaining to the peace summits with Russian officials in 1972 and 1973 with regard to the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaties. This investigation evaluates Kissinger’s impact during the period of the SALT treaties on the reduction of nuclear arms and the implementation of détente. Specifically, how Kissinger got what he wanted, the risks involved, and the outcome of the treaties. The sources used, Détente and the Nixon Doctrine, by Robert S. Litwak and Kissinger: 1973, The Crucial Year, by Alistair Horne, will then be evaluated for their origins, purposes, values, and limitations.
Throughout the nineteenth century China’s emperors watched as foreign powers began to encroach closer and closer upon their land. Time after time, China was forced to make embarrassing concessions. Foreign militaries more modernly armed would constantly defeat the imperial armies. As the dawn of a new century was about to begin, Empress Tsu Hsi of the Ch’ing Dynasty searched for a way of ridding her empire of the foreign invaders.
Keith, Zak. “Anti-Chinese USA: Racism and Discrimination from the Onset” Zac Keith. 2009. Web. 5 May 2014.
Chan, Sucheng. Chinese American Transnationalism : The Flow of People, Resources, and Ideas Between China and America During the Exclusion Era. Philadelphia, PA, USA: Temple University Press, 2005. Web.
Hsu, M. (2003). The Chinese in America: The History From Gold Mountain to the New Millennium. Journal of American Ethnic History, 23, 118-120.
The Web. The Web. 27 May 2014. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/1354343?ref=search-gateway:1c7b5d35c756095be3255402d85e5e3f>. Nathan, Andrew J. "U.S.-China Relations Since 1949."
and Culture of China-US Relations.." CHINA US Focus Urbanization Chinas New Driving Force Comments. N.p., 30 Mar. 2013. Web. 11 Apr. 2014. .
Rosemary Foot, The Practice of Power: US Relations with China since 1949, (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 1995), 96.
From the beginning of their establishment, the bilateral relations between the United States of America and China have changed throughout the time. The bilateral relations between the two countries emerged in the 1970’s with the ‘Ping-Pong’ diplomacy and there have been many pauses in their mutual relations. The US and China enjoyed cooperation in economic and military spheres and the mutual relations grew massively during until the end of 1990’s. The heads of the two states began visiting each other’s countries and the economic ties were tightening year by year. However, the issues of human rights and free speech declined mutual Sino-American relations.
China's Foreign Policy Since the initial warming of U.S.-China relations in the early 1970’s, policymakers have had difficulty balancing conflicting U.S. policy concerns in the People’s Republic of China. In the strange world of diplomacy between the two, nothing is predictable. From Nixon to Clinton, presidents have had to reconcile security and human rights concerns with the corporate desire for expanded economic relations between the two countries. Nixon established ties with Mao Zedong’s brutal regime in 1972. And today, Clinton’s administration is trying to influence China’s course from within a close economic and diplomatic relationship.
In the race to be the best, China is clearly outperforming the United States. China has strong economic fundamentals¬ such as “a high savings rate, huge labor pool, and powerful work ethic” (Rachman, Gideon. "Think Again: American Decline). Their economy has grown an astonishing 9-10% over the past thirty years; almost double of what it used to be decades ago. China is also the “world’s greatest manufacturer and its greatest market” (Rachman). The continuing growth of China's economy is a source of concern for not only the U.S. but surrounding nations as well. One could argue that the U.S. need not worry about China’s growth because of the spread of globalization and that western ideologies would influence China to turn to democracy. Yet China has still managed to “incorporate censorship and one party rule with continuing economic success” (Rachman) and remains a communist country. Hypothetically, even if China does resort to a democratic state, this does not gua...
China is one of the main viable candidates as this century’s new world power. Today, it maintains a strong economic stance within the international market, and is expanding at a rapid pace. The United States cannot maintain its position as hegemon for the rest of humanity; just as how ...
Historical conceptions of China’s culture and global position shaped the PRC’s perspective. Central to this is Sino-centrism and its edict from heaven for dynastic China to spread civilisation (Xinning 2001: 70). Imperial China’s tribute system represented a “Pax Sinica” and the physical manifestation of Sino-centrism, with its success affirming Chinese cultural superiority (Y. Zhang 2001: 52). Instructive in this is Sino-centrism’s similarity to, and conflict with American Manifest Destiny, itself an articulation that Anglo-Saxon American’s are God’s chosen people, with a superior culture and who are pre-ordained to spread civilisation to inferior peoples (Hollander 2009: 169). The PRC’s nationalism can be seen in part as a rejection of this competing celestial mandate, linking China’s decline to foreign intervention and the acceding to unequal treaties that saw the loss of peripheral territories considered intrinsic to historic China (Kissinger 2011: 112). In this way, the PRC’s formation as a modern nation state is the recrudescence of Sino-...
Wei-Wei Zhang. (2004). The Implications of the Rise of China. Foresight, Vol. 6 Iss: 4, P. 223 – 226.