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Introduction:
In the spring of 1891 dressed in their special attire, the Kurdish chiefs proclaimed their loyalty to the Sultan Abdülhamid II. Named after the sultan, the indoctrination of the Kurdish tribal cavalry unit (Hamidiye) into the Ottoman fold was met with protests from both foreign and domestic observers over the nature of the unit. Early critics of the Hamidiye questioned the discipline and sincerity of the militia.
The Hamidiye Light Cavalry Regiments were an irregular militia composed of select Kurdish tribes under the command of the sultan’s trusted brethren, Sakir Pasha and Zeki Pasha. Historically, the Kurds were always suspicious of the intentions of the Ottomans but those that volunteered were quick to understand the advantages of belonging to the militia. The advantages included ownership of modern firearms, immunity from all civil law, and military rank given to their chiefs, but the real benefit for the Kurds was the opportunity to advance their own goals.
The objections from foreign and domestic observers surrounded the activities for which the militias came later to be interconnected with - violence, land grabbing, and lawlessness. Klein questions, “under what conditions does the state empower a group that it would rather suppress, and does this undermine the state’s authority in the region? What are the factors that would allow the state to consider the formation of these undisciplined militias?”
In the late 19th and early 20th century the Ottoman Empire was under a constant external threat from the Russians in the east and the perceived internal threat from the Armenian nationalist-revolutionaries working against the state. The Armenian threat was deemed not only a threat to the state, but also se...
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...vernment had on its agenda. The Hamidiye would be renamed the Tribal Light Cavalry Regiments, but other than the name, nothing really changed. Similar to the visions of the sultan, the “Young Turks” wanted to “turkify” the Kurds into the Ottoman sphere. There were both supporters and opposition of the policy, primarily in the Kurdish realm. Those who eventually supported the policy, mainly the Kurdish peasants and Armenians, came to oppose it later and those that were the opposition, were predominantly the benefactors of the old Hamidiye regiments, came to support the new policies. The new government failed to modernize and provide better facilities much like their predecessor. The power structure in the borderlands remained the same.
Works Cited
Klein, Janet. The Margins of Empire: Kurdish Militias In The Ottoman Tribal Zone. Stanford University, 2011. Print.
Theory. The term ‘civil-military relations’ is often used to describe the relationship between civil society and its associated military force, moreover the fundamental basis upon which the civilian authority exercises control over its military organization. It is generally accepted that ‘civilian control of the military is preferable to military control of the state’ and although there are states that do not conform to this norm, they tend to be less developed countries that have succumb to military interven...
The "Ottoman Decline" San Francisco State University, San Francisco, CA. 23 Mar. 2010. Web. The Web. The Web. 06 Apr. 2011.
The men at the forefront of the Young Turk’s rebellion were Mehmed Talaat, Ismail Enver and Ahmed Djemal. Eventually, they came to have more of a dictatorial sort of rule on their people, with their own visions of what they wanted for the Turkic people. They all wanted to unite their people and expand ...
The purpose of this essay is to inform on the similarities and differences between systemic and domestic causes of war. According to World Politics by Jeffry Frieden, David Lake, and Kenneth Schultz, systemic causes deal with states that are unitary actors and their interactions with one another. It can deal with a state’s position within international organizations and also their relationships with other states. In contract, domestic causes of war pertain specifically to what goes on internally and factors within a state that may lead to war. Wars that occur between two or more states due to systemic and domestic causes are referred to as interstate wars.
Prior to my research, there were two interesting articles that have struck my attention regarding the states and issues that are being discussed in this essay. The first article is A Survey of the Turkish Empire by Sir William Eton. In the article, Eton discusses his admiration of the glorious army that had once belonged to the Ottoman Empire. He describes the Turkish army as “formidable”, and organized. Eton tune quickly changes by criticizing their faults and ultimately what led to their demise. Eton states that “it is a mob assembled rather than an army levied.” This article had great impact because while researching the topic, I was able to better understand the role of the military in the Ottoman Empire.
Political violence is action taken to achieve political goals that may include armed revolution, civil strife, terrorism, war or other such activities that could result in injury, loss of property or loss of life. Political violence often occurs as a result of groups or individuals believing that the current political systems or anti-democratic leadership, often being dictatorial in nature, will not respond to their political ambitions or demands, nor accept their political objectives or recognize their grievances. Formally organized groups, Non-Government Organizations (NGOs), businesses and collectives of individual citizens are non-state actors, that being that they are not locally, nationally or internationally recognized legitimate civilian or military authorities. The Cotonou Agreement of 2000 defines non-state actors as being those parties belonging to the private sector, economic and social partners and civil society in all its forms according to national characteristics. Historical observation shows that nation states with political institutions that are not capable of, or that are resistant to recognizing and addressing societies issues and grievances are more likely to see political violence manifest as a result of disparity amongst the population. This essay will examine why non-state political violence occurs including root and trigger causes by looking at the motivations that inspire groups and individuals to resort to non-conforming behaviors that manifest as occurrences of non-state political violence. Using terrorism and Islamic militancy on the one side, and human rights and basic freedoms on the other as examples, it will look at these two primary kinds of political violence that are most prevalent in the world ...
Kamal, A.A. (2006). Al-Jumhuriyat Al-Islamiyya Bi-Asya Al-Wusta [The Islamic Republics of Central Asia]. Cairo, Egypt: Daru Al-Salam
Fearon, James D., and David D. Laitin. "Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War." American Political Science Review 97, no. 01 (2003): 75. doi:10.1017/S0003055403000534.
the role of the state and also from the perspective of how the decision to fight impacts the
Clow, Kate. "Ottoman Empire." Encyclopedia of Modern Asia. Ed. Karen Christensen and David Levinson. Vol. 4. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 2002. 398-401. World History in Context. Web. 30 Apr. 2014.
Sultan Mahmud II, and various other Europeanized Ottoman bureaucrats initiated what is known today as the largest reform movement in the history of the Ottoman Empire. The Tanzimat changed life in the Ottoman Empire drastically, and completely revolutionized how the Ottomans lived. Previously, the empire was home to various different, nationalities, races, religions and cultures. During the Tanzimat, a major effort was made to unite these people, which is often referred to as the policy of Ottomanism. This resulted in the creation of a national anthem, and the establishment of a national flag. In the past, Islamic law was predominant, but was replaced by secular law, so no individual groups were left out. The Tanzimat’s main focus was to replace it’s old, outdated ways, with more of a westernized approach. The reforms varied greatly, but for the most part, they were all made to help modernize the empire.
Ludwig, P. (1999). Iranian Nation and Islamic Revolutionary Ideology. Die Welt des islams. 39(2). 183-217.
Violence marks much of human history. Within the sociopolitical sphere, violence has continually served as a tool used by various actors to influence and/or to control territory, people, institutions and other resources of society. The twentieth century witnessed an evolution of political violence in form and in scope. Continuing into the twenty-first, advances in technology and social organization dramatically increase the potential destructiveness of violent tools. Western colonialism left a world filled with many heterogeneous nation-states. In virtually all these countries nationalist ideologies have combined with ethnic, religious, and/or class conflicts resulting in secessionist movements or other kinds of demands. Such conflicts present opportunities for various actors in struggles for wealth, power, and prestige on both national and local levels. This is particularly evident in Indonesia, a region of the world that has experienced many forms of political violence. The state mass killings of 1965-66 mark the most dramatic of such events within this region. My goal is to understand the killings within a framework of collec...
Imagine waking up one day to the thundering of blows given at the door telling you to “open up or be shot down.” It is the Serb police, and they are telling you that you and your whole family had to leave your home immediately. This is how it went for many Albanian people during what some Serb extremists called “demographic genocide.” This was the beginning of what many would call the Kosovo War, and it lasted from March to June 1999. After NATO’s intervention in Kosovo, something strange happened. Now the people being victimized were the Serbs and anyone who was “friendly” to them. In this paper, I will speak about what happened before and after the war in Kosovo.
In order to answer the question concerning the formation of states, it is necessary to clarify what constitutes a state; the Oxford English Dictionary defines a state as ‘a nation or territory considered as an organized political community under one government’. There are a number of ways and processes in which to analyse what state formation is, why they have formed and the way in which this has occurred. State emergence can be traced back to the creation of territorial boundaries in medieval Europe, such as the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, and its transition to a modern state can be attributed to the introduction of gunpowder in war (Hague & Harrop, 2010: 64). The formations of states have also been influenced by the growth of bureaucracy, administration and organisations. There are different theories as to the reason why states form, a certain few of which can be divided into the categories of rationalist, culturalist and structuralist perspectives. In this essay, these perspectives shall enter the debate in trying to justify the reason for state formation and the way in which it occurs. The most prominent feature in the formation of states appears to be the prevention and engagement of a state in war and its following consequences.