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Essay on interSECtionality
Essay on interSECtionality
Theorizing intersectionality
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In April 1977, the Combahee River Collective, a black feminist group that began meeting in 1973, wrote and published the Combahee River Collective statement. The statement lists their organization’s intentions for social justice which focuses on the liberation of women of color, including queer, poor and foreign women of color. The source gives a glimpse into the extent of black progress in the post-Civil Rights Movement era, and how the movement developed political awareness and future organizing. The organization supports socialism, a radical statement during the Cold War, but a socialist movement that would also have to be feminist and anti-racist in order to be the most effective. However, they are also against some radical claims made …show more content…
by previous movements, like the idea of lesbian separatism, as black women are also loyal to black men due to their collective struggle against racism. They see no real progress with fractionated movements, including white feminist movements that they critique. This is one of the first documents to recognize their multifaceted identities and suggest movements that take it into consideration but does not use the word “intersectional” because it is not coined until 1989 by black legal scholar Kimberle Crenshaw. Additionally, it is radical because it includes queer women, when many movements at the time would exclude the LGBTQIA+ community from their agenda. Since past movements did not take into consideration their intersectional identities and the coinciding oppression, women of color therefore had to mobilize themselves in order to fight for their liberation that the Combahee River Collective claims would, in turn, liberate everyone. The Combahee River Collective holds radical ideas on the intersection of identity, and how to overcome these oppressive structures.
Before this organization, movements did not think to study how race and sex and gender, and other marginalized identities, intersect to create a unique form and experience of oppression. This document, therefore, does not support fractionalized movements, like lesbian separatism or the exclusion of black women from roles of leadership in either the feminist or anti-racist movements. They see mainstream movements without an intersectional framework as exclusive and therefore unproductive. Because these women understand the hardships that come with single-issue movements, they include the perspective of queer women of color, who other social justice movements constantly overlook and undermine their issues. Additionally, the Collective focuses on their self-love and self-appreciation as women of color. Since there is such a strong force of oppression and dehumanization towards women of color, and black women, in particular, others, including black men, could see their expression of self-love as radical. Additionally, the fact that they “reject pedestals, queenhood, and walking ten paces behind. To be recognized as human, levelly human, is enough,” continues to challenge the dehumanization of black women, either by idolizing them or by shaming and devaluing them. This statement targets men who fetishize black women as “queens” but at the same time …show more content…
do not see their worth and capability as humans to be in positions of power or be able to make choices about their own bodies. Women of color do not wish to face inequalities in opportunity or psychological oppression, which refer to the socialization of black women to hate themselves as they do not fit European beauty standards. However, they recognize that the solution is not then to idolize women of color, but instead to treat them as equally human as others, in order to grant them agency and equal rights. It can be difficult for men and women of color to understand each other because they have different experiences. Men of color may understand racism but they do not understand sexism and how both identities interact to impact women of color’s experiences and opportunities. Consequently, men of color may not recognize issues specific to women of color as problems of race, due to the additional factor of sex and gender. Therefore these issues are not prioritized, because they are then see as women’s issues. However, in the mainstream feminist movement, issues specific to women of color experience the same situation, but with their issues being labelled as in relation to race. Therefore women of color are continually excluded from mainstream movements because those movements have not adopted an intersectional framework. This continues to create an “other” out of women of color, as they recognize that they “find it difficult to separate race from class from sex oppression because in [their] lives they are most often experienced simultaneously.” Since sexist and racist oppression occur simultaneously, among other forms of oppression like homophobia and classism, there are issues that are not solely sexist or racist but a form of racial-sexual oppression, like the history of rape of black women by white men which the Collective cites as a prime example. When white men use their social position to take advantage of black women, they not only benefit from their whiteness but also from their positionality as men. It is not simply the domination of white over black or male over female but a combination of the two that cannot be recognized separately but rather creates a unique form of intertwined oppression that only black women face. Therefore, they recognize that “the only people who care enough about [them] to work consistently for [their] liberation is [them].” Since it is such a unique experience, other mainstream movements with a focus on a single issue do not recognize that the liberation of black women would eradicate all racial, sexual and racial-sexual oppression. Additionally, the Combahee River Collective are cautious to ensure that they themselves are not hypocritical, and therefore include the liberation of queer women of color, whose issues were continually ignored, even in activist circles.
Unlike other organizations, the Collective makes a powerful case for the importance of fighting for LGBTQIA+ rights, as they claim that the liberation of queer women of color would ensure the liberation of everyone, since they face most forms of oppression. In other words, the overthrow of systems of oppression that affect queer women of color would result in the eradication all forms of oppression. This is a very different agenda than most movements, including the Civil Rights Movement, where queer activists had to hide their queer identity and did not get the same opportunities in leadership as their straight counterparts. Only queer women of color, and straight women of color who understand the limitations of an exclusive, single issue movement, would recognize the necessity of intersectional social justice movements to be the most
effective. The Combahee River Collective statement began the framework for intersectional movements that are more inclusive and therefore more effective as it creates unity and multi-issue platforms. Therefore, with the publication of their statement, came a new wave of progressive thinking that takes into account all forms of oppression and how they may intersect. There is still a tension between race and sex and gender issues as seen in movements against police brutality in the United States today. As police officers mistreated and killed many unarmed black and Hispanic men, people from the affected communities came together to create the Black Lives Matter movement to combat police violence. However, the black and Hispanic women who also experienced police brutality did not receive the same attention, and their deaths and injuries occurred without backlash or outrage. As more people became aware of deaths like Sandra Bland, the movement Say Her Name began, in order to develop an intersectional lens to view this issue. As activists viewed police brutality as solely a racial issue, the abuse and death of women of color suddenly did not get the same attention, because race issue actually implies an issue related to men of color. Due to the beginning of criticism of single-issue movements, there has been a more inclusive approach toward social justice issues and the tools to understand intersectional identities even if one does not experience it themselves.
A careful examination of the sexual violence against african-american women in this piece reveals imbalances in the perceptions about gender, and sexuality shed that ultimately make the shift for equality and independence across race and class lines possible during this time period.
Interstitial politics, defined by Kimberly Springer as a “politics in the cracks” is also a key element in intersectional analysis. As Black feminists it’s our job to locate places of contradiction and conflict, because in working alongside these sites of power and gatekeeping, we can achieve a better knowledge of how they operate as well as develop strategies to dismantle them. This embracing of sociopolitical dissonance embodies the spirit of dialectical practices in Black feminism. In the chapter “Distinguishing Features of Black Feminist Thought” Patricia Hill Collins emphasizes that
The hymn, “Shall We Gather at the River” and “The Scarlet Ibis” have similar themes. One of the themes is, one day everything will end, so instead of wanting and wishing for more, appreciate what you have now. The song and short stories have similar themes and morals of stories.
In the chapter the “Rainy River” of the novel The Things They Carried by Tim O’Brien, O’Brien conveys a deep moral conflict between fleeing the war to go to Canada versus staying and fighting in a war that he does not support. O’Brien is an educated man, a full time law student at Harvard and a liberal person who sees war as a pointless activity for dimwitted, war hungry men. His status makes him naive to the fact that he will be drafted into the war and thus when he receives his draft notice, he is shocked. Furthermore, his anti-war sentiments are thoroughly projected, and he unravels into a moral dilemma between finding freedom in Canada or standing his ground and fighting. An image of a rainy river marking the border between Minnesota and Canada is representative of this chapter because it reflects O’Brien’s moral division between finding freedom in Canada or standing his ground and fighting in the Vietnam war.
Black Power, the seemingly omnipresent term that is ever-so-often referenced when one deals with the topic of Black equality in the U.S. While progress, or at least the illusion of progress, has occurred over the past century, many of the issues that continue to plague the Black (as well as other minority) communities have yet to be truly addressed. The dark cloud of rampant individual racism may have passed from a general perspective, but many sociologists, including Stokely Carmichael; the author of “Black Power: the Politics of Liberation in America”, have and continue to argue that the oppressive hand of “institutional racism” still holds down the Black community from making any true progress.
In “In Living Color: Race and American Culture”, Michael Omi claims that racism still takes place in America’s contemporary society. According to Omi, media and popular culture shape a segregating ideology by giving a stereotypical representation of black people to the public, thus generating discrimination between races (Omi 115:166). In “Bad Feminist: Take One”, Roxane Gay discusses the different roles that feminism plays in our society. She argues that although some feminist authors and groups try to create a specific image of the feminist approach, there is no definition that fully describe feminism and no behaviors that can make someone a good feminist or a bad feminist (Gay 304:306). Both authors argue
We have to truly take initiative in order to express our ideas regarding our feminist movement. We must take all our concerns in order to foster personal liberation and growth. The archaic social, psychological, and economic practices that discriminate against women must be ordeals of the past. We must compose new practices in order to develop a post-revolutionary society. This movement will require strategy, organization, commitment, and devotion; it may be a long battle, but I believe that we will end in triumph.
After reading the “Introduction to Women’s Studies Concepts” power point the pieces from hooks, Hull and Smith, Kimmel, and Yap are important to feminist literature because they all talk about a different aspect of feminism. In Talking Back by Bell Hooks, the woman explains how it was not okay for her to speak or ask whatever she wanted. “In the world of the southern black community that I grew up in, “back talk” and “talking back” meant speaking as an equal to an authority figure” (1). In the past women were not allowed to just speak their mind it was ‘wrong’. This story demonstrates the black racism involved with feminism. People opened their ears to what the black men had to say, but they could easily block out what the black women had to say. The Politics of Black Women’s Studies by Hull and Smith also dealt with black racism taking place. The men were sexist and the white women were racist. Where did this leave place for the black women? In Men and Women’s Studies: Premises, Perils, and Promise by Kimmel sexism and racism. This short story talks about how women’s studies lea...
The Combahee River Collective was an organization founded in Boston, Massachusetts during the 1970s by African american feminists and lesbians alike. The name of the organization derives from the famous abolitionist Harriet Tubman's efforts to free almost 800 slaves in South Carolina named the Combahee River Raid in 1863. The very event led by Harriet Tubman or the act of braveness by a black leader (being a woman) probably served direct relation on why these African American feminists and lesbians chose to name it after what happened in 1863. The freeing of the slaves by a black woman in 1863 and black women fighting and struggling to free themselves from white oppression. The women of the Combahee River Collective were made up of civil rights
The politics of the Combahee River Collective include race, sex, heterosexuality, and class, in which contemporary Black feminists seek to combat these elements of oppression, as well as recognize and reflect on how they are interconnected, or display intersectionality.
In the U.S., feminism is understood as the rights of women (usually affluent white women) to share the spoils of capitalism, and imperial power. By refusing to fully confront the exclusions of non-whites, foreigners, and other marginalized groups from this vision, liberal feminists miss a crucial opportunity to create a more inclusive and more powerful movement. Feminist movements within the U.S. and internationally have long since accepted that, for them, feminism entails the communal confrontation of not only patriarchy, but capitalism, imperialism, white supremacy, and other forms of oppressions that combine together and reinforce their struggle. It means the fighting for the replacement of a system in which their rights are negated in the quest for corporate and political profit. It includes fighting so that all people anywhere on the gender, sexual, and body spectrum are allowed to enjoy basic rights like food, housing, healthcare, and control of their labor.
When people think about organizations, leaders, activist, and world changers often times they do not correlate these titles and positions with women, let alone black women. When we think of social resistance movements and the leaders who operate the movements we often think of men. Many people in society think that a man is needed to construct, lead and run a social movement so that it can be affected enough to make a significant change. Stereotypical gender roles are the reason that many of us do not often think of women when we think about social resistance movements. However, African American women played a vital role in their organizations, they were powerful activist and they were adamant about addressing the many issues that black women face in society.
In order to contextualize the issue of intra-group violence against Black women, it is important to understand the role that intersectionality plays on these women. There are many factors that can make a person who they are. These factors can include race, ethnicity, religion, socioeconomic status, sexual orientation, etc. Nevertheless, a person cannot di...
Among the many subjects covered in this book are the three classes of oppression: gender, race and class in addition to the ways in which they intersect. As well as the importance of the movement being all-inclusive, advocating the idea that feminism is in fact for everybody. The author also touches upon education, parenting and violence. She begins her book with her key argument, stating that feminist theory and the movement are mainly led by high class white women who disregarded the circumstances of underprivileged non-white women.
Dixon, M. (1977). The Rise and Demise of Women's Liberation: A Class Analysis. Marlene Dixon Archive , Retrieved April 12, 2014, from the Chicago Women's Liberation Union database.