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Federalist 10 essay by james madison
Federalist paper 10 james madison
James Madison concepts on Federalist Paper no. 51
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Federalist #10 is written by James Madison addressing the state of New York, and is a continuation of Federalist #9, which attempts to address the Union as a safeguard against domestic faction and insurrection. It hopes to instill in the anti-federalists that the constitution safeguards against incivility and uprising. Madison believes that “(the American constitutions) have as effectually obviated the danger on this side, as was wished and expected”. He believes that the United States Constitution is well-covered against possibilities of insurrection and uprising from both inside and outside of government positions in office, and this is what he is attempting to explain to the citizens of New York.
This paper is organized to support the argument he makes in the introductory paragraph, starting with insurrection and its causes, after which he destabilizes rebuttals against his statements. Jefferson debunks the
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possibility of insurrection from within by stating that “as each representative will be chosen by a greater number of citizens in the large than in the small republic, it will be more difficult for unworthy candidates to practice with success the vicious arts by which elections are too often carried”.
This is perfect because as he refutes their rebuttals, they have nothing to be concerned for, seeing as he perfectly and adequately addresses each possible rebuttal. This fits in with the other papers, especially the previous papers as it establishes the thoroughness of the constitution and establishing it as a fitting founding document. The basic argument of this paper, as stated before, is to establish the constitution as a safeguard against insurrection. This is shown throughout the entirety of the paper, but gets into specific detail closer to the end of the document, dealing with upheaval from the inner infrastructure of government. He states that, in reference to the happy medium in which the Constitution has approached treachery, “the federal Constitution forms a happy combination in this respect; the great and aggregate interests being referred to the national, the local and particular to the State legislatures.” He recognizes that the United States forms a close to perfect
balance between state and national levels. The Constitutional Principles covered in this deal with treachery (i.e. things such as rotten politicians), balances between state and national levels (as seen through previous direct quotes) , and democracy in general. Madison speaks of how republic is prefered over direct democracy, stating “it may well happen that the public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more consonant to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves, convened for the purpose.” The argument made by this paper is relevant today because if insurrection were to occur, the constitution has measures set in place to make sure everything is taken care of. For example, if a politician of the United States was found to be corrupt, according to James Madison, we would remove him and “centre in men who possess the most attractive merit and the most diffusive and established characters.” We are still people who care about who represents us, and we will still do what is in our power to achieve what we set out to do, eliminating sour politicians if necessary. The framers of the constitution are right in the sense that more government is less government because by having a great number officials in a number (3) of different branches, we have placed restrictions on what the government can do to us. This can be seen in things such as checks and balances and popular sovereignty. Through checks and balances, each branch is checked by another, effectively limiting their power of one another and us, the citizens of the United States. Through popular sovereignty, we ensure that our voices be heard, regardless of a circumstance like a corrupt political figure because though popular sovereignty we are given the power to remove such an evil “figurehead”. With power such as this placed in the hands of the people, we live under a limited government.
However, the author 's interpretations of Jefferson 's decisions and their connection to modern politics are intriguing, to say the least. In 1774, Jefferson penned A Summary View of the Rights of British America and, later, in 1775, drafted the Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms (Ellis 32-44). According to Ellis, the documents act as proof that Jefferson was insensitive to the constitutional complexities a Revolution held as his interpretation of otherwise important matters revolved around his “pattern of juvenile romanticism” (38). Evidently, the American colonies’ desire for independence from the mother country was a momentous decision that affected all thirteen colonies. However, in Ellis’ arguments, Thomas Jefferson’s writing at the time showed either his failure to acknowledge the severity of the situation or his disregard of the same. Accordingly, as written in the American Sphinx, Jefferson’s mannerisms in the first Continental Congress and Virginia evokes the picture of an adolescent instead of the thirty-year-old man he was at the time (Ellis 38). It is no wonder Ellis observes Thomas Jefferson as a founding father who was not only “wildly idealistic” but also possessed “extraordinary naivete” while advocating the notions of a Jeffersonian utopia that unrestrained
And so, as he inquires about the safety of America and its liberties he must take time to see how his role is crucial in americas potential downfall. In the paragraph of Query 18 Jefferson asks the question “can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are of the gift of God?” This rhetorical question shows how the effects of groupthink and how it negatively affected the masses and allowed individuals like Jeffersons to encourage the act of slavery yet, use the idea of America and its government as a scapegoat. Additionally, by admitting that “Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just: that his justice cannot sleep forever:” Jefferson shows that he knows exactly what he is doing and that his actions have repercussions and that he has fell victim to Internalisation Conformity. Internalisation Conformity “when one adopts the ideas and actions of which it is composed - is intrinsically rewarding. He adopts the induced behavior because it is congruent [consistent] with his value system' (Kelman, 1958)” As readers read Query 18 they are able to see that although jefferson fears for the safety and the sanctity of his country he is unable to put a stop to slavery because of his enjoyment of being a master and his
The reasoning behind the writing of federalist paper #39 was the conformity of the plan to the republican principles. Federalist paper #39 was attempting to address to the new Constitution that the government should not be mostly national or federal, which is verified to, “be found to depart from the republican character, its advocates must abandon it as no longer defensible”. The paper is organized excellently, James Madison asks his audience what are the potential characteristics of a Republican form of government however, elaborating his question by conveying the aspects of one not simply finding that answer reading republican related books. This paper fits into the larger aspects of the Federalists papers by portraying his propositional
Supporters of the Constitution called themselves Federalists, a name referring to a balance of power between the states and the national government. They argued for a federal system as in the Constitution. James Madison claimed that the Constitution was less dangerous that it looked because the separation of powers protected people from tyrannical abuse. The Federalists compile a group of essays, known as The Federalist Papers. In No. 51, Madison insisted that the division of powers and they system of checks an balances would protect Americans from the tyranny of centralized authority. He wrote that opposite motives among government office holders were good, and was one of the advantages of a big government with different demographics. In No. 10, he said that there was no need to fear factions, for not enough power would be given to the faction forming people; thus, they wouldn't become tyrannical. Hamilton, in No. 84, defended the Constitution with the case that the Constitution can be amended by representatives, who are there to represent the citizens' interests.
Jefferson’s use of strategies and language is ineffective in making his points and persuading readers of his arguments. Using hasty generalization, begging the question, and insulting language in his analysis is a huge flaw which lessens the credibility of his argument and offenses his readers. Jefferson should use other argumentative strategies and prevent himself from using insulting language in order to convince readers of his arguments.
Madison begins perhaps the most famous of the Federalist papers by stating that one of the strongest arguments in favor of the Constitution is the fact that it establishes a government capable of controlling the violence and damage caused by factions. Madison defines that factions are groups of people who gather together to protect and promote their special economic interests and political opinions. Although these factions are at odds with each other, they frequently work against the public interests, and infringe upon the rights of others.
His opening paragraph introduces the context for the Declaration. He goes on to list offenses by the King. Jefferson assures his audience that for every offense committed by the King, the colonists have presented a solution(s), only to be cast aside. Their last resort after failed negotiations is to declare themselves a free people. Jefferson was explicit in his Declaration of Independence, the colonists were not asking to be “totally dissolved” of union with the British Crown, they had already decided and were well on their way to constructing a new
The Independent Journal published the first Federalist essay in 1787, closely following the Constitutional Convention. This was one of 85 essays that were all soon published in support of the Constitution. The essays were all published under the alias name “Publius.” All essays were compiled into a single volume titled The Federalist Papers. The Federalist Papers is considered a significant illustration of American political philosophy under the Articles of Confederation, which were adopted by the Continental Congress. The Articles set up the first legislative system that unified the thirteen states that battled in the American Revolution. A major theme that was discussed in the essays centers around the idea that the United States could not continue to endure under the Articles of Confederation and the weaknesses that accompany it. The Articles gave states the authority to create their own laws, however they were unsuccessful in creating a strong government. The essay suggested that immediate action be taken to prevent the impending anarchy that would ensue under these Articles.
The drive to end slavery in the United States was a long one, from being debated in the writing of the Declaration of Independence, to exposure of its ills in literature, from rebellions of slaves, to the efforts of people like Harriet Tubman to transport escaping slaves along the Underground Railroad. Abolitionists had urged President Abraham Lincoln to free the slaves in the Confederate states from the very outset of the Civil War. By mid-1862, Lincoln had become increasingly convinced of the moral imperative to end slavery, but he hesitated (History.com). As commander-in-chief of the Union Army, he had military objectives to consider (History.com). On one hand, emancipation might
“Why Jefferson said: “A Little rebellion, now and then is a good thing.” This Day in Quotes.com. n.p. 30 Jan. 2010. Web. 26 Aug. 2011
Thomas Jefferson was and still is an individual who has made an impact in our country. His character was so intrigued and different that people are still attempting to discover many new points about Thomas Jefferson. In this paper, I will be mentioning few points regarding Thomas Jefferson which I found to be interesting.
In Federalist No. 10, James Madison stresses that “measures are too often decided, not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party, but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority.” Madison philosophized that a large republic, composed of numerous factions capable of competing with each other and the majority must exist in order to avoid tyranny of majority rule.# When Federalist No. 10 was published, the concept of pluralism was not widely used. However, the political theory that is the foundation for United States government was the influential force behind pluralism and its doctrines.
Jefferson used two main strategies in convincing his audience. First, as I have already mentioned, he uses factual evidence to support his claim. The list of cruel acts is his factual evidence. The amount of details that make up this list shows how much importance Jefferson placed on factual evidence as support. If he had used fewer facts here, the document might not have fully explained why the Americans demanded independence. Second, Jefferson exercised appeal to values in supporting his argument. He wanted others to feel the pain and suffering that has haunted the Americans and share similar morals. In paragraph five he says, "Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies" (17). Here he tries to evoke the sense of feeling. He assumes the reader will feel this pain and agree that King George III is wrong for his actions. He then goes on to say, "The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of injuries and unsurpations, all having in direct object the exact establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States" (17).
The well accepted philosophical norm that higher authority becomes compromised when its constituents detract from it applies to governmental emphasis as well. Under the Constitution, in the Federalist Paper 10, James Madison argues that a Republic can control violent majority factions to limit the power of select individuals from corrupting the government. The Federalists papers are a collection of essays to promote the ratification to the Constitution composed by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay under the pseudonym Publius. James Madison creates a clear background of information of his argument by directly expressing his claim, defining key terms, and by backing up his claim with supporting evidence.
In Federalist Paper No. 10, Madison writes that “a well-constructed Union” has one especially important task to accomplish. This task is the ability to “break and control the violence of faction.” Through use of the word faction, Madison means, “a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community” (Madison p. 1). I fully agree with Madison’s assessment on factions. If a faction grows to acquire the power of majority, then it will have the ability to oppress the majority factions. In cases like these, the wishes and beliefs of everybody