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In his 1961, Richard Hornby claimed the Conservative Party was “the prisoner of no rigid set of principles” (Hornby, 1961). Rather, the Conservative party is “sceptical of theory and prefer a pragmatic approach” (Hornby, 1961), implying that “the conservatives [are] least influenced by any given ideology” (Knight, 2006, p34), and that the party “tends to be comfortable working within the assumptions already existing in society” (Ball, 1998, pp 162). This implies that the Conservative party should regarded as Ball states, a way of looking at the world” (Ball, 1998, p 162). Other notable ideas associated with Conservatism are historical flexibility, national unity and adaptability to changing circumstances within society (Ludlam and Smith, 1996, pp4-9). However, such an interpretation is challenged by claims that there are two rigid Conservative principles ;those that get them elected to government defined as policies “clearly popular with the electorate” (Marwick, 2000, p 184), and the Conservative party’s” appetite for power” (Ramsden, 1998, p495). In this essay, it shall be argued that the latter interpretation is the most accurate depiction of Conservative principles, during the period 1951-64. This shall be done by examining, the economic policies of the Conservative party in this period. The areas that will be examined are Conservatism in relation to: the post-1945 consensus surrounding nationalisation and trade unions, the implementation of Keynesianism as an economic orthodoxy, the economic policies of affluence and their political consequences, policy in relation to the Conservative government’s economic record from 1951-1964 and how the government dealt with nationalisation and trade unions, and the economic and politica...
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...s, Keith (1979) Politics in Industrial Society: The Experience of the British System Since 1911. London: Andre Deutsch
Ramsden, John (1998), An appetite for power: a history of the Conservative Party since 1830. London: Harper Collins
Rollings, Neil (1994), Neil Rollings, 'Poor Mr Butskell: a short life wrecked by schizophrenia?', Twentieth Century British History, 5 (2) (1994), 183-205
Sampson, Anthony (1967) Macmillan: A Study In Ambiguity. London: Allen Lane
Taylor, Andrew (2002) “Speaking to Democracy: the Conservative Party and Mass Opinion from the 1920s to the 1950s” S. Ball and I. Holliday (eds) in Mass Conservatism: The Conservatives and the Public since the 1880’s. London: Frank Cass
Turner, John (2003) “ Governors, governance and governed: British Politics Since 1945 in Burk, K (eds) The British Isles Since 1945. New York: Oxford University Press
The New Deal sought out to create a more progressive country through government growth, but resulted in a huge divide between liberals and conservatives. Prior to the New Deal, conservatives had already begun losing power within the government, allowing the Democratic Party to gain control and a favoring by the American people (Postwar 284). With the Great Depression, came social tensions, economic instability, and many other issues that had to be solved for America’s wellbeing. The New Deal created a strong central government, providing the American people aid, interfering with businesses and the economy, allowing the federal government to handle issues they were never entrusted with before. The strong, emerging central government worried conservatives, who supported a weak federal government with little interaction, and resulted in distinct party divisions (285). By allotting the federal government more political control during the early twentieth century, the government now can reign over state governments and affairs. Today many conservatives are still opponents to the strong federal government, finding issues with its involvement in local affairs, whether that be educational involvement through common core or business involvement through labor unions (Diamond 2; Weber 1). While the New Deal formed a divide between
In the late1960’s American politics were shifting at a National level with liberalism being less supported as its politics were perceived as flawed, both by people on the left who thought that liberalism was not as effective as more radical political enterprises and by conservatives who believed that liberal politics were ostensibly crippling the American economy.
“After the passing of the Great Reform Bill, the liberal Whig leadership struck a snag. Several years of depression put the conservative Tories back in power in 1841. Wages and living conditions grew steadily worse as the industrial revolution permitted the rise of great fortunes for owners and employers along with starvation and poverty for great numbers of the working classes.” (Earl Davis, The Flint and the Flame, Page 115)
In order to look at how the liberal consensus went from a high point in 1965 to a low in 1968, I think that it is first important to look at the state of the liberal consensus in 1965. Doing so will provide us with a starting point from which to measure the fracturing and also set up a framework f...
Alan Dawley, Class and Community: The Industrial Revolution in Lynn (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2000), Kindle edition, chap. 1.
Canny, Nicholas: The Oxford History of the British Empire,vol I, TheOrigins of the Empire (New York 1998)
...tory: Postwar United States, 1946 to 1968, Revised Edition (Volume IX). New York: Facts On File, Inc., 2010. American History Online. Facts On File, Inc. Web. 12 February 2012.
O'Brien, Patrick, and Roland Quinault, eds. The Industrial Revolution and British Society. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1993. Print.
Porter, Kirk, and Bruce Donald . National Party Platforms. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1966. 34-41. Print.
Starting during the 1970s, factions of American conservatives slowly came together to form a new and more radical dissenting conservative movement, the New Right. The New Right was just as radical as its liberal opposite, with agendas to increase government involvement beyond the established conservative view of government’s role. Although New Right politicians made admirable advances to dissemble New Deal economic policies, the movement as a whole counters conservativism and the ideologies that America was founded on. Although the New Right adopts conservative economic ideologies, its social agenda weakened the conservative movement by focusing public attention to social and cultural issues that have no place within the established Old Right platform.
During the nation’s founding, parties were widely considered to be dangerous to good government and public order, especially in republics. In such an intellectual climate, no self-respecting leader would openly set out to organize a political party. The pervasive fear of parties reflected both historical experience and widely held eighteenth-century beliefs. People in authority saw themselves as agents acting on behalf of the whole community; any organized opposition was therefore misguided at best, treasonous at worst. Accepting the same perspective, rivals justified their opposition by imagining that those in power were betrayers of the community’s trust.
Jones, W. T. Masters of Political Thought. Ed. Edward, McChesner, and Sait. Vol. 2. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1947.
While some reasons may be mort important in the emergence of the conservative coalition, there are a wide variety of issues noted by researchers that are said to have contributed to the foundation of this bipartisan voting bloc. A Democrat Congressman from Missouri, Richard Bolling, believes that issues such as “civil rights, welfare, labor, education, and fiscal affairs” led to the separation of part of the Democratic Party to be combined with the conservative coalition (Shelley 1983, 12). Joel Margolis notes that the conservative coalition typically united on votes for “taxes, economic policy, health, education, welfare, and labor” (Shelley 1983, 13). These differing views begin to show some trends that encompass a varied list of issues can contribute to a better understanding of the foundation of the conservative coalition. It can be summed up best when stated...
Garner, R., Ferdinand, P. and Lawson, S. (2009) Introduction to Politics. 2nd edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Steele, P., & MacDonald, F. (2007). The Miles Kelly book of British history. Essex, Great Britian: Miles Kelly.