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Significance of Kinship
The concept of kinship
The concept of kinship
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This essay discusses the shift that kinship has undergone from being about determining/ reflecting social structure to shaping how people come to care for each other and consider themselves related in everyday practice. I will use the Malays in Palau Langkawi as an example of how kinship structures/practices has challenged Western assumption of how people are related. Also how we should understand kinship today. Carstens (1995) explains in her article: the substance of kinship and the heat of the hearth: feeding, personhood, and relatedness among Malays in Palau Langkawi how their ideas of kinship challenge the Western notion of what kinship/relateness. In Langkawi, ideas about kinship are conveyed in terms of reproducing, nourishment and …show more content…
Kinship can be found and studied in various forms in western societies, and has changed along with ethnological and broader social changes in those societies A reduce interest in the comparative treatment of the culturally exotic kinship is not uniquely of especially important in non-western societies and so the focus on `primitive societies` in the study of kinship cannot be justifies An emphasis on the particularity of such forms of kinship in studying new forms of kinship at home, we benefit from attention to particular often distinctive features that mark them of Scepticism of universal and totalising claims about kinship. The detachment of kinship from its traditional biological base undermines the search for claims about kinship that generalise abbot societies and their relationship to one another and vice versa The embrace of interdisciplinary approaches to kinship the study of kinship is inherently indisiplinary informed by and often part of several disciplines a well as multidisciplinary fields such as cultural studies, homosexuals studies, science family and relious
In the book Ancestral Line: The Maisin of Papua New Guinea and The Fate of The Rainforest by John Barker a concept that connects this book to what have been learned in class is the idea of kinship. I will be discussing what kinship and it’s two main components are, and how they relate to the book.
the Hmong culture the man has to pay a price for his wife. The man’s side of the family
Expressions such as family, dietary restrictions and religious taboos are all present in every culture. But the way they are interpreted differs around the world. The notion of a family in the Akan culture is different from the perception of family in the Canadian culture. Appiah states: “the conception of the family in Akan culture is what anthropologists call matrilineal”. The Akan family Structure follows the mothers’ side of the family. Where in the Canadian culture it’s patrilineal and follows the fathers’ side of the family. Whether it is matrilineal or patrilineal both societies still consider this family. Appiah also explains that family is not the only term that seems to change. Dietary restrictions is also another term that is constantly shifting. People often assume that others are just like them. It is through multinational discussions where such assumptions are but to test. Appiah explains the difference in terms of dietary restrictions across difference societies through the Bush clan. Appiah states:” Bush cow clan is forbidden from eating bush meat. Your clan animal is symbolically a relative of yours; so for you eating it and its relatives is a bit like eating a person”. While this explains the reason as tow why the Bush clan cannot consume cow meat, the idea of comparing eating a cow to eating a relative might seem
The idea of “family” is almost entirely socially constructed. From grandparents, to friends, to wives and fiancés, the means by which we decide who is related to us and who is not is decided by the person and their milieu. In Mignon R. Moore’s “Independent Women: Equality in African-American Lesbian Relationships”, Eviatar Zerubavel’s Ancestors and Relatives: Genealogy, Identity and Community, and Franz Kafka’s The Judgement, this idea is tested. Who do we consider close enough to us to share our most intimate details and how do we choose them? Each piece offers a different view, which is the “right” way for each of the people described, whether broad (as in Zerbavel’s reading) or specific (as in Moore’s reading), but there are also many similarities in the ways family is defined and actualized.
People study history because they wish to strengthen human connections. The same can be drawn about the pursuit of genealogy. Whether it be connections to nobility, to a specific ethnic group or a specific event in history, there are diverse motivations to study genealogy According to Francois Weil, “Genealogy provides a powerful lens to understand personal and collective identities.” In essence Weil’s Family Trees: A History of Genealogy in America is a study of American identity over a span of four centuries through a discussion of genealogy and family history.
Kinship is understood as the relationships in a society through blood and marriage. It is considered a fundamental cultural basis. From kinship systems social norms develop in the communities, including rights and responsibilities, greatly impacting behavior. These systems are described as kinship terms, relationships and groups in a society. Kinship ultimately has two core functions through kinship systems that are crucial for the preservation of culture and societies. First, these ties provide continuation of generations and family formation. The lines of descent, the upbringing and education of children, the compromise to provide material possessions and inheriting social positions are all very important. Second, since kinship is based on interdependent relationships, there are established aid systems. These, however would be compromise by the cultural implications of the extended or nuclear kin groups. Additionally, marriage may or may not be founded by blood relationships. Both the consanguineal and the affinal relationship represents a strong bond. However, the cultural norms would dictate whether both have equal value or acceptance in each society. Anthropologists have studied the implications of kinship. One of the topics researched is between kinship and social relationships. The Awlad ‘Ali Bedouin society in the Western Desert, as studied by Abu-Lughod in 1978-1980, through her ethnography ‘Veiled Sentiments’ (1986), showed distinct evidences of the influence of consanguineal and affinal ties into their idiom of kinship and how it links to their social interactions and relationships. In this way defining the different kinds of social relationships.
“American Kinship is an example of the kind of kinship system which is found in most modern, western societies. This kind of system is particularly important not only because it is found in an important kind of society, but also because it is different from the kinds of kinship systems found elsewhere in the world.” (Schneider, 1980)
One of the first tasks that Raybeck takes on in the ethnography is documenting kinship. He later describes the usefulness of the genealogies he created, but the process of creating them was quite difficult. He says that the Kelantanese often use “Arabic naming conventions” (Raybeck, 1996, p.62), making a task that seems relatively simple, quite complex. Combine that with a high divorce rate and the number of relatives sky rockets. But through his interviews on kinship he discovered that most Kelantanese had a “detailed and accurate knowledge of very extensive kin networks” (Raybeck, 1996, p. 62). This helped him to make the discovery of the level of importance placed on family and village support. Raybeck credits much of his success to this ethnography to his key informants. One that he often praises is his neighbor Hussein. When Raybeck was first conducting his interviews he had to learn the difference in politeness in Kelantanese culture. Hussein had to subtly remind him that Raybeck (1996) must “behave like a hen, not a rooster” (p. 60). His key informant helped to set him on the right path to gaining the information for his research question, but also taught him a key aspect of culture that, until then, he was failing in as a participant
There are many different cultures and groups of people that we don’t know anything about. There are a lot of people in the world trying to close that gap. People like Catherine J. Allen, author of The Hold Life Has and Napoleon A. Chagnon, author of Yanomamo. In each of their respective books, they brought us closer to societies I had never heard of until now. We learned about the different aspects of the lives of the Sonqo (Allen) and the Yanomamo (Chagnon). They brought us insight on certain things like gender differences, family relationships and how where they live affects their lives. In this following essay, I’ll be discussing gender differences in both the Sonqo and Yanomamo societies as well as how each tribe uses kinship, reciprocity
Native Americans established primary relationships either through a clan system, descent from a common ancestor, or through a friendship system, much like tribal societies in other parts of the world. In the Choctaw nation, " Moieties were subdivided into several nontotemic, exogamous, matrilineal 'kindred' clans, called iksa." (Faiman-Silva, 1997, p.8) The Cheyenne tirbe also traced their ancestry through the woman's lineage. Moore (1996, p. 154) shows this when he says "Such marriages, where the groomcomes to live in the bride's band, are called 'matrilocal'." Leacock (1971, p. 21) reveals that "...prevailing opinion is that hunting societies would be patrilocal.... Matrilineality, it is assumed, followed the emergence of agriculture...." Leacock (p. 21) then stated that she had found the Montagnais-Naskapi, a hunting society, had been matrilocal until Europeans stepped in. "The Tanoan Pueblos kinship system is bilateral. The household either is of the nuclear type or is extended to include relatives of one or both parents...." (Dozier, 1971, p. 237)
Stasch, R. (2003). Separateness as a relation: The iconicity, univocally and creativity of Korowai mother‐in‐law avoidance. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 9(2), 317-337
Since the beginning of time, mankind began to expand on traditions of life out of which family and societal life surfaced. These traditions of life have been passed down over generations and centuries. Some of these kin and their interdependent ways of life have been upheld among particular people, and are known to contain key pieces of some civilizations.
The Pua that Blossoms Overtime As I sat at my desk one rainy afternoon, looking for some type of inspiration to finish my debate paper for my Political Science course, I unintentionally clicked on “Kaulana Nā Pua” by the Kuleana Project. I had heard this composition many times before in poems, songs, chants, and it was also sung once to close an event I attended. However, as the music played through my speaker, the tears ran down my cheeks. I knew this was exactly what I needed to complete my assignment. Kaulana Nā Pua is not just an ordinary song; it is a song full of purpose, breakthrough, and the process of healing.
Galton, F. (1975). The history of twins as a criterion of the relative powers of nature and nurture. Journal of the Royal Anthropological institute, 5, 391-406. [8]
The incest taboo is, therefore, a cultural trait. Protective of the efficient mechanism of the family, society sought to minimize disruption to its activities and to the clear flows of authority, responsibilities, material wealth and information horizontally and vertically. Incest threatened to unravel this magnificent creation. Alarmed by the possible consequences (internal and external feuds, a rise in the level of aggression and violence) – society introduced the taboo. It came replete with physical and emotional sanctions: stigmatization, revulsion and horror, imprisonment, the demolition of the errant and socially mutant family cell. As long as societies revolve around the relegation of power, its sharing, its acquisition and dispensation – there will always exist an incest taboo. But in a different society and culture, it is conceivable not to have such a taboo. This would be either utopian or dystopian, depending on the reader.