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Social and economic impact of World War 1
Social impact of world war one
Political impact of world war 1
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Despite President Woodrow Wilson’s belief that the US had a responsibility to “make the world at last free,” many Americans felt overseas intervention was not justified (Document 3). Wilson thought the US to be the ultimate example of democracy and freedom. He and others supported overseas intervention without thinking of the consequences the intrusion might cause. The many instances of American intrusion overseas from 1870-1920 have evidenced my understanding that US intervention was not justified, in any context.
Ted spoke for many people when he declared himself against American domination over the Philippines (Document 2). Somewhat arrogantly, America claimed sovereignty over the Philippines and that their intrusion was for the good of the world, but Ted realized the sentiment of the people being intruded upon. Recognized
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Dubbed the “Irreconcilables,” a group of Senators spoke out against the Treaty of Versailles. Senator William E. Borah accurately illustrated the US’ circumstance by indicating “we are sitting there dabbling in [foreign] affairs and intermeddling in [foreign] concerns” (Document 5). He, like myself and others, understood that intruding upon nations overseas was unnecessary and unjustified. Senators who supported the Treaty of Versailles were named the “Reservationists.” They believed that the US was the catalyst of change and, with the failure of the US comes the loss of “the best hopes of mankind” (Document 5). They neglected to understand, however, that the US had no business interfering in the innocent lives of the masses, and that their only accomplishment would be fighting futile and “savage wars of peace” (Document 1). Consequently, there would be no reward, no champion of the world; only destruction, hostility and resentment toward the US, and “the judgment of [our] peers,” across the globe (Document
David Kennedy’s Over Here: The First World War and American Society demonstrates Americans connection to global society. President Wilson “called the newly elected 65th Congress into special session on April 2 to receive his war message.” Wilson’s message would impact America socially, economically, and politically; that would continue to influence America throughout the twentieth century. Wilson presented to Congress four proposals on how America was to wage war: a bold tax program, a compulsory draft of young men into the nation’s service, “for the enforced loyalty of all Americans in a cause to which many were indifferent or openly hostile, and, by implication, at least,” and the expansion of presidential powers.
The first reason the United States should have annexed the Philippines is because it is our duty to as a country to spread the values of democracy overseas. For example, as stated here in Albert J. Beveridge’s campaign speech he says, “ Do we owe no duty to the world?… it is ours to save for liberty and civilization (Doc B).” He is saying that it is our duty as a sovereign nation to help an uncivilized nation modernize, industrialize, . another example, is from William Mcki...
In the book, America’s Great War: World War I and the American Experience, Robert H. Zieger discusses the events between 1914 through 1920 forever defined the United States in the Twentieth Century. When conflict broke out in Europe in 1914, the President, Woodrow Wilson, along with the American people wished to remain neutral. In the beginning of the Twentieth Century United States politics was still based on the “isolationism” ideals of the previous century. The United States did not wish to be involved in European politics or world matters. The U.S. goal was to expand trade and commerce throughout the world and protect the borders of North America.
The United States has a long history of great leaders who, collectively, have possessed an even wider range of religious and political convictions. Perhaps not unexpectedly, their beliefs have often been in conflict with one another, both during coinciding eras, as well as over compared generations. The individual philosophies of William Jennings Bryan, Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, with regard to America’s roles in world affairs and foreign diplomacy; are both varied and conflicted. Despite those conflicts however, each leader has left his own legacy behind, in terms of how the U.S. continues to engage in world affairs today.
It is somehow strange for today’s reader to find out that the situation with America’s foreign affairs hasn’t changed much. As some clever people have said, “The History book on the shelf is always repeating itself.” Even after nineteen years, Americans think of themselves as citizens of the strongest nation in the world. Even after the September the 11th. Even after Iraq. And Afghanistan.
Between 1895 and 1920, the years in which William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, William Taft, and Woodrow Wilson reigned in the presidents, the United States struggled for not only justice at home but abroad as well. During this period policies such as Roosevelt’s Big Stick diplomacy, William Taft’s Dollar diplomacy, and Woodrow Wilson’s Moral diplomacy were all used in foreign affairs in hopes of benefit for all involved. However, it would be appropriate to say that self-interest was the most important driving factor for American policy and can be exemplified through economic, social, and political relations.
American foreign policy during the 1890s was based on many factors that each acted as an individual justification for our country’s behavior as a whole. Racism, nationalism, commercialism, and humanitarianism each had its own role in the actions America took against other nations.
Although the United States appeared isolationist in the 1920s, it cannot be called truly isolationist as policy remained interventionist over some issues. Although it did not join the League of Nations, it worked closely with them, especially over humanitarian issues. It also instigated and signed the Kellog-Briande Pact in 1928 along with 63 other nations, outlawing war. Furthermore, interventionism continued where it was most convenient in regard to colonial interests, trade opportunities, ensuring peace overseas and the repayment of foreign debt. Although President Harding claimed we see no part in directing the destiny of the world', it seems that a foreign policy of interventionism was needed in directing the destiny of the United States.
The truth is I didn’t want the Philippines, and when they came to us, as a gift from the gods, I did not know what to do with them.… I sought counsel from all sides— Democrats as well as Republicans—but got little help. I thought first we would take only Manila; then Luzon; then other islands perhaps also. I walked the floor of the White House night after night until midnight; and I am not ashamed to tell you, gentlemen, that I went down on my knees and prayed Almighty God for light and guidance more than one night. And one night late it came to me this way… that we could not give them back to Spain… that we could not leave them to themselves— they were unfit for self-government… [and] that there was nothing left for us to do but to take them all, and to educate the Filipinos, and uplift and civilize and Christianize them, and by God’s grace do the very best we could by them.” (Thomas G. Paterson and Dennis
Hoganson begins her analysis by presenting to the reader the two different perspectives on foreign policy held by Americans in the late nineteenth century: the “jingoist” view versus the “arbitrationist” view. The arbitrationist view was one that was very much against war; believers of this ideal held the conception that as human beings, we could resolve problems by simply talking them out. “According to [arbitrationist] line of thought, those who still considered war a viable means of ending disputes resembled cavemen” (17). Jingoist beliefs, on the other hand, stood ...
“The world must be safe for democracy.” This quote, made famous by Woodrow Wilson, was spoken to Congress about the United States’ involvement in World War I. This was said because Wilson believed that Germany’s militarism threatened democracy everywhere and in order for Germany to be stopped, the United States must enter the War. However, Wilson and the US were not too eager to enter the war when it started; in fact, it took the United States three years to enter the war!
American Umpire challenges the most common picture of foreign policy as royal nature. Elizabeth Cobbs Hoffman argues that the empire fails to describe the goals and outcomes of American actions. The U.S start a royal power that messes with global event but when the behaviors of the international community come to challenge its interests. Even though this is not a perfect image, she shows that several examples of umpire has the uneven results of following a foreign policy on the often conflicting models of spreading democratic ideals.
The doctrine of American exceptionalism that is clearly established in the Declaration of Independence is a core belief that not only permeates throughout American society but also influences America’s questionable role in world affairs. According to William Blum “Between 1945 and 2005 the United States has attempted to overthrow more than 40 foreign governments, and to crush more than 30 populist-nationalist movements struggling against intolerable regimes. In the process, the U.S. caused the end of life for several million people, and condemned many millions more to a life of agony and despair” Blum goes on to give various descriptions of the brutal and fierce tactics used by the United States against foreign governments. These stories begin to beg the question, How has America gotten away with such blatant violations of other countries’
After reading an excerpt from William J. Fulbright's, “The Arrogance of Power,” the author argued that Americans were abusing their power during the Vietnam War by ignoring international law and twisting U.S. Foreign policies. This essay argues the point that power has a tendency to breed arrogance. Arrogance stems from a know-it-all attitude or “as a psychological need that nations seem to have in order to prove that they are bigger, better, or stronger than other nations, (Fulbright 1966).” Being too sure of oneself and looking down on others is a surefire way that an arrogant attitude causes offense. William J. Fulbright “holds the record as the longest-serving chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, from 1959 to 1974, (Fulbright 1966).” Senator Fulbright was opposed to the United States always involving itself in the affairs of other countries. To put it frank, he believed that Americans should mind their own business and stop meddling with the issues of other countries all of the time. The United States tended to intervene in the affairs of other countries even when not invited to do so. Almost like a big brother who just wants to protect his younger sibling every time a situation arises. When power is given to a country, boundaries and limits must be set as to how that power is to be utilized, because if Americans perceive they are better than others, then that power, will more than likely, be misused.
President Wilson, those in his administration and other Americans who believed in the supremacy of democracy might’ve thought it was the best form of government for others around the world simply because they were arrogant, in denial, believed heavily in the idea of American Exceptionalism and were idealists.