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New Labour and Education: Opportunity and Responsibility within Continuities New Labour, under the leadership of Tony Blair, proposed the ‘Third Way’ which claims to be different from both the old left and the new right. This essay will argue that the educational reform based on the ‘Third Way’ considerably differs from the old labour in regard to linking the value of ‘opportunity’ and ‘responsibility’ with continuous marketisation of education. The essay will examine New Labour considered the welfare reform as one of the priorities in policy tasks during the 1997 manifesto and after coming to power on May 1, 1997. The newly proposed idea of the ‘Third Way’, which declares to be distinguishable from both the Conservatives and the …show more content…
Although little agreement remains on the details of the third way, ‘opportunity’ and ‘responsibility’ are commonly suggested as its core values. New Labour’s pursuit of equality of opportunities is clearly distinctive from the old labour’s goal of equality of outcomes. Rather than traditional distributive goals of old labour achieved by income redistribution and wage policy, New Labour pursued to redistribute the primary endowments of skills and jobs by ensuring people the right to education, training, and support. Yet in a sense, this pursuit means New Labour accepts growing inequalities inherited from the Conservative government as the status-quo of society, which seems to contrast to the egalitarianism of the old …show more content…
New Labour has claimed that “the monolithic comprehensive schools that take no account of children’s differing abilities” cannot provide equality of opportunity for all. Therefore, it has come up with a way to ensure the status of grant-maintained schools which has enjoyed privileged funding and admission and has been supported by the aggressive push of the previous Conservative government. First proposed in the 1995 white paper Diversity and Excellence: A New Partnership for Schools and implemented by the 1998 School Standards and Framework Act, all state schools were to be replaced by three types of schools – community, aided, and foundation schools. This restructuring made possible for grant-maintained schools to opt out for the foundation status, enabling them to continue their advantaged
Jonathan Kozol, an award winning writer, wrote the essay “Still separate, Still Equal” that focuses on primary and secondary school children from minority families that are living in poverty. There is a misconception in this modern age that historical events in the past have now almost abolished discrimination and segregation for the most part; however, “schools that were already deeply segregated
This essay will address whether New Labour contained policies with which it wished to pursue, or was solely developed in order to win elections. It is important to realise whether a political party that held office for approximately 13 years only possessed the goal of winning elections, or promoted policies which it wished to pursue. If a party that held no substance was governing for 13 years, it would be unfair to the people. New Labour was designed to win elections, but still contained policies which it wished to pursue. To adequately defend this thesis, one must look at the re-branding steps taken by New Labour and the new policies the party was going to pursue. Through analysis, it will be shown that New Labour promoted policies in regards
“Brown vs. Board of Education” made it a federal crime to segregate children based on race in 1954. On the other hand, “Plessy vs. Ferguson” concluded that “separate but equal” was justified in America’s education system in 1896. Fifty years later after “Brown vs. Board of Education” according to author Jonathan Kozol, the school systems are run more like a separate but unequal system. Kozol states that today’s schools are just as segregated as they were before 1954 and funding is seriously inadequate for those in the urban areas where most attendee’s are African American and Hispanic. This inadequate funding has led to overcrowding, dilapidation of the schools, a decreasing number of on-site health officials, and lack of an enriching educational program. The effects of the funding situation has led to poor state standardized test scores, and an increasing number of students dropping out or taking more than four years to graduate. Today, strict military style programs hope to correct these poor outcomes. Are today’s schools being segregated to pay less for subordinate groups’ education, or is this just one person’s one-sided outtake on a matter that society has little control over? I aim to examine these accusations incorporating some firsthand experience from my dilapidating public school system.
These children were now being seen as a group in which society had obligations to provide “normalisation” (Bowe, 2007, p.45) and would lead to a revolutionary law being introduced in America. The Education for All Handicapped Children Act was passed in 1975, of which Australia became a signatory. (AIHW, 2004). This Act mandated “that all school-age children with disabilities must receive a free appropriate public education” (Bowe, 2007, p. 101) “in the least restrictive environment” (Bowe, 2007, p. 5). For the first time in a century, Australia no longer segregated these children into an isolated “special facility” (Allen & Cowdery, 2012, p. 8). State governments established special education units within mainstream schools (AIHW, 2004). This is referred to as Integrated education and is described by Talay-Ongan & Cooke (2005), as an environment “where children with similar disabilities in special classes share the normal school environment, and utilise some classes (e.g., art or physical education) or the playground that all children enjoy.” In 1992, the Disability Discrimination Act was introduced in Australia which specifically covered the topic of Education and in 2005 a set of supplementary standards was passed which specifies the support schools are required to provide to students with a
Published in 1816, Owen’s A New Life for Society was a discussion to try and mend Great Britain’s institutional problems with the working class while avoiding violent revolution. He saw that there needed to be changes to the constitution as well as laws that punished the poor to prevent the vices of society. To do this, Owen asserts to, “withdraw those national laws which chiefly emanate from that erroneous doctrine… training the population to almost every kind of crime. For these laws are, without chance of failure, adapted to produce a long train of crimes.” Owen’s ideology was that starvation, theft, and drunkenness emanated from ignorance being indoctrinated into the poor masses, and universal education was the logical solution. This is apparent as the author argues that, “a national system of education for the poor…to think calmly on these subjects… and they will become conscious of the absurdities and inconsistencies in which their forefathers have trained them… they will exert their utmost faculties to remove the cause of so much misery to man.” All three socialist thinkers believed in free education for the working class. However, it was Owen who believed that enlightenment of the masses would bring about real change and long-term stability in
The essay will commence by focusing on the1944 Education Act, as it was "the most important piece of educational legislation since 1902" (Gosden, 1983:3). There was a great need for this Act, because the Second World War caused considerable disruption to the educational system. As Dunford and Sharp point out, "evacuation, staff shortages and suspension of building programmes all created their own problems. War also brought important changes in social attitudes, and [...] there was a determination for a better future" (Dunford and Sharp, 1990:17). Therefore there was a need to remodel the current education system "in order to ensure that every child would go to a secondary school" (Gosden, 1983:1). Planning for reconstruction of education culminated in the Education Act of 1944, which is also known as the Butler Act.
This situation is similar to the U.S., where people have the chance to enter school depending on their zip code. With the voucher program, now students can choose schools even if it is public, charter, religious without a zip code, even though this idea did not go far, but it was a great reform. Ravitch, Reign of Error, chapter 19, p206-207. Segregation and integration and race and class This issue has been happening for many years and not only in education, but also in many other aspects.
America’s school system and student population remains segregated, by race and class. The inequalities that exist in schools today result from more than just poorly managed schools; they reflect the racial and socioeconomic inequities of society as a whole. Most of the problems with schools boil down to either racism in and outside the school system or financial disparity between wealthy and poor school districts. Because schools receive funding through local property taxes, low-income communities start at an economic disadvantage. Less funding means fewer resources, lower quality instruction and curricula, and little to no community involvement.
Under the 1944 Education Act children with special educational needs were defined in medical terms and categorised according to their disabilities. Many of those children were considered as ‘uneducable’ and were labelled as ‘maladjusted’ or ‘educationally sub-normal’, and they were given ‘special educational treatment’ in special schools or institutions. In these special schools (institutions) the rights of the children were not considered, as children were socially alienated from family and the society from where they lived. Though the grouping of children with similar disabilities looked positive in the past, such children were deprived their right to association with their peer...
The Modern and Classical strands of liberalism share similar principles – indeed if they did not, it would be wrong to classify them as two strands of the same ideology. It seems the fundamental differences between them rely on the ‘negative’ and ‘positive’ views, which define them and which lead on to the fundamental opposition inherent in liberalism: the role of the state.
Through the development of Inclusive Education it is possible that children grow up to be more accepting of differences, where once the notion of something “different” and “separate” could cause caution, fear and ridicule. There are multiple policies and processes present within our society supporting inclusivity and the right every child regardless of their special needs or difficult circumstances has to an education. The Salamanca Statement developed world wide in 1994 states every child’s right to an education. In support of this policy the Commonwealth Disability Discrimination Act (1992) sets disability standards in our education system and the Melbourne Declaration (2008) further attempts to promote equity and excellence within our schools.
In 1997, Tony Blair of the labour party won the United Kingdom’s general election on the ideology, goals and a party manifesto of a ‘new labour’, a revision, an update and a reform of the old labour party, bringing new radical politics to the 20th century - although some believe that labour only won the election due to the British publics increasing hate for Thatcher and the conservatives. The term new labour was a reflection on how the labour party was trying to reform itself and depart from the ideas of ‘old labour’ that had failed to win an election since 1974 and take on new ideas and politics that seemed radical, new and progressive and that would regain trust from the British voters. ‘New labour, new for Britain’ was the slogan that first appeared on the party’s manifesto in 1996 and soon became the party’s main slogan for the campaign of the 1997 elections. But how exactly was new labour new? New labour was trying to become more progressive with its politics that reformed all of the key policy domains that the government were interested in. By attempting to reform the party’s manifesto as well as clause IV, new labour attempted to become a new party that could progress British politics rather than rely on traditional politics of old labour. New labour wanted to modernise the party’s by perusing their traditional goals which include job support, economic growth, investments in public services, welfare and redistribution but they also wanted new progressive politics that catered to the minority groups in terms of social justice, for example civil partnerships (King,2002). However, some argue that new labour was not particularly ‘new’ and instead that Blair’s government had betrayed the traditions of the labour party and inst...
Jackson, B and Marsden, D (1966) Education and the working classes. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul plc.
The issue of whether selective schools justly divide students from their peers has been on debate since NSW Education Minister Rob Stoke recently mentioned he would like to open selective schools to local students. In response to the issue, Rachael Jacobs argues that selective schools segregate children unfairly in her online publication published January 13, 2018, “End the selective school obsession.” Accompanied by a photograph, Grace Leung contends that selective schools allow talented and disadvantaged students to reach their full potential in her alternative view published 10 days later, “We’d all miss out if selective schools were discontinued.” Immediately establishing selective schools as “equitable” and “unethical,” Jacobs aggressively uses loaded language coupled with the question, “why is NSW obsessed with [selective
Change in social class is turning the face of public schools as minorities are becoming an evolving group and English gradually becoming