Madagascar, first invaded by the French in 1894 and annexed as a colony in 1896, has a long history of subordination and national struggle. Malagasy nationalists struggled from the late 19th/early 20th century until independence; although in different nationalist groups, they all held the common goal of Madagascan self-rule. Madagascar’s independence first began with the Loi Cradre Law, passed in 1956, which gave universal suffrage to Madagascar and united the previously separate French and Malagasy electoral colleges. Two years later, the proclamation of the Malagasy Republic severed French rule, and an official agreement was reached and signed on April 2, 1960 (Butler, “Madagascar Colonial Era”). The president of the Malagasy republic at the time, Tsiranana, remained until his resignation in 1972. During his time, he strengthened ties between …show more content…
Madagascar and US, uniting against the communist powers during the Cold War (Gascoigne). However, his successor, Gabriel Ramanantsoa, reversed by the anti-communist ideal, relying on the Soviet Union for aid.
In 1975, Didier Ratsiraka established a “quasi-Maxist state” full of social and economic reforms, keeping friendships with Communist states (Butler, “A Historical Timeline for Madagascar”). He completely reversed his policies when the communist system failed, leading into an era of Malagasy free-market economy, well received by the western powers (Gascoigne). He was forced out of office in 1991 by Malagasy rioters who demanded a new, multiparty government, yet he was reelected in 1997, serving as a “preparation for the post-colonial generation represented by Ravalomanana” (Munene). Ravalomanana’s election was that of force, an indication of the years to come in Malagasy government; elections followed the trend of corruption and invalidity, a common theme in colonial and post-colonial Africa. What happened in Madagascar can therefore be seen as a snapshot of Africa in post-colonial times, and provides a perfect example of the French’s lack of aid and preparation given to its newly independent
colonies. In modern times, Madagascar remains one of the poorest countries in the world; according to the International Monetary Fund, “today’s real GDP per capita still stands 50 percent below its 1960 level.” The current system of government, the fourth Republic, came into effect with the signing of its constitution in 2009. However, “effective implementation of constitutional principles are minimal or absent” (Pillay and Zimbris). Social reforms have helped, with advances in power, water, and education, but about a third of the population still lives in poverty, and the infant mortality rate remains high (International Monetary Fund). In short, Madagascar still has a long way to go, their failure due in large part to political corruptness and lack of preparation to enter the world as an independent nation.
All problems for this island arose with the introduction of humans. According to fossil records, humans arrived approximately 2000 years ago. With their arrival came destruction, a destruction that would continue until present day. They were not aware of their actions at the time and how they would forever change the ecosystem of Madagascar.
.... D. and a member of the World History Association in addition to the American Society of Journalists and Authors. She also writes for national journals specialized in history and culture. The selected chapter in the source discusses the rise of Queen Nzinga to power and her relationship with the Portuguese, both of which I discuss in my paper.
During the 17th century, slavery was a widely used commodity with the Europeans, little do people know however that African kings also had and accepted slavery in their own nations. King Nzinga Mbemba of Congo and the King of Ouidah had similarities on the issue of slavery; they tolerated the use of slaves. Congo’s king had no contingency with slavery; in fact, he had slaves in his country. When the Portuguese were purchasing goods in Congo, the king had men “investigate if the mentioned goods are captives or free men” (NZ, 622). The fact that the king differentiates the men between ‘free’ and ‘captives’ illustrates that not all people in Congo are free. Whether these captives are from the country of Congo or not, they are still caught and held all across the nation against their will. King Mbemba kept slaves because the population of Congo was vastly declining due to the slave trade. In his letter, he pleads with the king of Portug...
Lumumba: Race and Revolution In the French film entitled Lumumba, director Raoul Peck recreates the revolutionary struggle of Patrice Lumumba, the newly elected Prime Minister of The Congolese Republic. In the movie, we do not see much of the independence struggle against the Belgian government, but we begin to see the reconstruction of the African state in African hands. While no one ever claimed that decolonization was easy, maybe this particular example can best be explained by Fanon’s simplified little quip “decolonization is always a violent phenomenon. ” In this paper, I will seek to locate where this post-colonial violence is located in discourses regarding race, class and gender.
The author champions the thesis that there are several factors such as the occupation of Haiti, the referendum on the foreign ownership of land, and a backward and savage culture among others that might have contributed to the country’s failure to overcome its problems and become a successful independent state, which, arguably, could be inherently solved and mitigated if good governance
“the Haitian Revolution forever transformed the world. It was a central part of the destruction of slavery in the Americas, and therefore a crucial moment in the history of democracy, one that laid the foundation for the continuing struggles for human rights everywhere. In this sense we are all descendants of the Haitian Revolution, and responsible to these ancestors.” (Dubois,
Profant, Tomas. “French Geopolitics in Africa: From Neocolonialism to Identity.” Perspectives: Central European Review of International Affairs 18.1 (2010). 41-62. Web. 18 May 2014.
The year 1804 marked not only the beginning of Haitian independence, but also the despotic reign of the Jean Jacques Dessalines. Dessalines was originally a subordinate of Louverture himself, stepping into power only after his leader’s arrest. His obsession with autocracy led him to crown himself the ‘emperor’ of Haiti later that year. Thus, all the workings of the political system came under the control of this one man. His word was law and his decisions were narrowly open for discussion. Such is the rule of his iron fist that, in 1891, a Haitian writer observed that: ...
In the second half of the twentieth century, started a process of decolonization, first in Asia and then in Africa. In 1949, India was one of the first country to gain its independence, followed by Burma, Malaysia, and Ceylon. In Africa the decolonization started a few years later, first in Libya and Egypt, and in the rest of the continent afterwards. The main colonists were the Great Britain and France. The history has shown that Great Britain succeeded to decolonize generally in peace while France had much more problems to give up its colonies, which led to numerous conflicts opposing the colonists and the colonized. It has been the case especially in Algeria where a murderous war lasted almost eight years. The philosopher Frantz Fanon has studied the outbreak of this conflict as he was working in Algeria and he spent some time working on the question of colonialism, drawing the conclusion that violence was the only way to get rid of colonists. This essay will analyse who was Fanon and why he came to such a conclusion along with the reasons why it could be said that he is right ,and finally, the arguments against his statement. Finally, it will aim to prove that even though Fanon had valid points, diplomacy could have been for efficient and less tragic rather than his support to violence.
Haiti was once an economic power when France held claim to the Eastern Part of Hispaniola, then named St. Domingue. It was a French colony flourishing with coffee and sugar. Eventually the ideals of the French Revolution - Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity - made its way to the colonies resulting in a revolution. Haiti was the first slave-led revolution and declared its independence as a republic on January 1, 1804. After their declaration of independence, things started to make a turn for the worst. In 1934 the U.S. forces occupied Haiti to establish stability. The U.S. appointed heads of state but the real power was present in the U.S. occupiers, whereas the heads of state are just figureheads. Haiti’s economy dwindled further down when France demanded reparations of 150 million francs, which wasn’t paid off until 1947. In 65 years, Haiti had 22 heads of state.” In 1957 Francois Duvalier is elected president. He later “creates a totalitarian dictatorship and in 1964 declares himself president-for-life.” This is where Haiti’s political instability really begins.
The Haitian Revolution is widely considered as the significant event in Africans’ history in the new world. Indeed, the reduction of the Atlantic slave trade is conventionally accredited to the inception of Haitian Revolution. While it might have failed to inspire immediate revolutions within the Caribbean and eventually the world, the Haitian Revolution had a profound effect on the French Revolution as a case for many national emancipation movements. It is evident that the French Revolution determined the success of Haitian Revolution through the custom of racial hierarchy and subjugation in Haiti and through the spread of French Revolution’s ideals. These factors compelled the elite planters to either surrender some control or risk being subjected to violent rebellion.
Ethnopolitics remain a central issue in Africa, and may be traced back to colonial state-building. Different colonial styles, specifically those of the French and British and their distinct approaches to colonial rule would have created the degrees of ethnic stratification that are present in African politics even today. The decentralized, indirect system of colonial rule as defined by Baron Lugard implemented by the British created a non hierarchical classification when it came to African ethnicities, while the French colonial system was one that leaned more toward centralization and the building of ethnic hierarchies. Since ethnicities which are not classified hierarchically are more likely to become competitive, often expressed through hostility and conflict, it may be theorized that the British system is closely linked with current ethnopolitical friction. The French colonies, with ranked systems of rule, led to a centralized power structure that was bureaucratic and delayed and quelled interethnic struggles. While ethnic boundaries were emphasized by colonialists during the colonialism years, the artificial constructions surrounding ethnicities were picked up by Africans themselves and taken to the political stage. This paper will briefly discuss how ethnic divides affect government, using the examples of Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Over the course of human history, many believe that the “Congo Free State”, which lasted from the 1880s to the early 1900s, was one of the worst colonial states in the age of Imperialism and was one of the worst humanitarian disasters over time. Brutal methods of collecting rubber, which led to the deaths of countless Africans along with Europeans, as well as a lack of concern from the Belgian government aside from the King, combined to create the most potent example of the evils of colonialism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century’s. The Congo colonial experience, first as the Congo Free State then later as Belgian Congo, was harmful to that region of Africa both then and now because of the lack of Belgian and International attention on the colony except for short times, the widespread economic exploitation of the rubber resources of the region, and the brutal mistreatment and near-genocide of the Congolese by those in charge of rubber collecting.
Politically, prior to 1961 the British ruled over Tanganyika. Many of the Maasai people were not completely aware of British government because they maintained rule over themselves. Tepilit depicts a political scene where his father had no idea that the British ruled over Tanganyika. The Maasai were unaware because of the subtle way that the British used the chiefs to create and carry out the policies that the British wanted. This method of government, constructed in such a way led Tepilit’s father to be ignorant of the leadership until it ended in 1961. Tepilit’s father, however, was correct on a smaller scale because Maasailand was not under direct influence of the British rule. Tepilit even states that one Maasai rule infers that if direct interference occurs then “Rebellion would be inevitable” (Saitoti 41).
As an anthropologist David Graeber's research focused on relations between nobles and former slaves in a rural community in Madagascar. As a theorist, he has also worked extensively on value theory, and has done work on a research project on social movements dedicated purely to principles of direct democracy and direct ac...