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Colonialism in africa introduction
The influence of colonialism in Africa
The influence of colonialism in Africa
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There are variations in the degree and type of ethnic conflict, and much of it is thought to be due to the colonial governing style. In the African post-colonial era there has been everything from cases of ongoing conflict, occasional violent inter-ethnic encounters, and countries that are relatively free of any significant ethnic violence.
Ethnopolitics remain a central issue in Africa, and may be traced back to colonial state-building. Different colonial styles, specifically those of the French and British and their distinct approaches to colonial rule would have created the degrees of ethnic stratification that are present in African politics even today. The decentralized, indirect system of colonial rule as defined by Baron Lugard implemented by the British created a non hierarchical classification when it came to African ethnicities, while the French colonial system was one that leaned more toward centralization and the building of ethnic hierarchies. Since ethnicities which are not classified hierarchically are more likely to become competitive, often expressed through hostility and conflict, it may be theorized that the British system is closely linked with current ethnopolitical friction. The French colonies, with ranked systems of rule, led to a centralized power structure that was bureaucratic and delayed and quelled interethnic struggles. While ethnic boundaries were emphasized by colonialists during the colonialism years, the artificial constructions surrounding ethnicities were picked up by Africans themselves and taken to the political stage. This paper will briefly discuss how ethnic divides affect government, using the examples of Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
European contact with Africa was initial...
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...). In short, while the French encouraged assimilation in a central French identity, the British encouraged societal and ethnic divisions.
The structure of the configuration of ethnic groups, ranked or unranked, has a direct and significant impact on the ability and willingness of these groups to mobilize for collective action. Indirect administrative rule by the British left traditional patterns of social organization in place, which indicates that ethnic conflict should be more frequent and intense in former British colonies, as these structure facilitated aggravated mobilization. French colonial rule focused on centralized administration, and destroyed the pre existing power structures. This left different ethnicities without the means to mobilize and challenge grievances, which would then lead to lower instances of inter-ethnic conflict in the post-colonial era.
The most significant factor in that time period was unity. The wrath of intercolonial disunity slowly dissolved as time went on. Enormous distances between colonies, geographical barriers like rivers, conflicting religions, varied nationalities, different types of governments, boundary disputes, and resentment amongst themselves were the factors involving disunity. However, the colonists over time started to understand that they were all fellow Americans who shared common ideals.
Short term consequences would lead to long term benefits as the attempts of a rebellion in 1837 demonstrated. The efforts of Upper and Lower Canada were “two parallel, separate movements”1 attempting to reform the broken political system in which the British government reigned supreme. This was a system where the French-Canadians were denied real power and control over their own government; where all the real power lies in the British governors. While the French aims to regain power over their economy and culture, the British would continue to deny them their wish while hoping to assimilate the French-Canadian culture altogether.2 At this point, assimilation was a very real threat seeing how the French were overpowered by the British both in terms of hierarchy and in terms of numbers. In the state of affairs, two prominent groups were in clear opposition: the Patriotes, lead by Papineau, were French-Canadians who put their efforts in hopes for, whom strives for, a government where the French majority (as it was in Lower Canada) could have a say in regards to colonial affairs.3 On the contrary, The Chateau Clique was composed of elites that would make up the Legislative Council, leaving the Legislative Assembly that composed of French-Canadians powerless. The injustice of the system was bound to fuel the Patriotes’ motivation in bringing a reformation of government. This was one of 3 equally important factors that would result in the the rebellions in Lower Canada: “a desire to develop democratic political institutions, an exploitation of the colony’s economy, and the creation of a colonial identity” 4
Lumumba: Race and Revolution In the French film entitled Lumumba, director Raoul Peck recreates the revolutionary struggle of Patrice Lumumba, the newly elected Prime Minister of The Congolese Republic. In the movie, we do not see much of the independence struggle against the Belgian government, but we begin to see the reconstruction of the African state in African hands. While no one ever claimed that decolonization was easy, maybe this particular example can best be explained by Fanon’s simplified little quip “decolonization is always a violent phenomenon. ” In this paper, I will seek to locate where this post-colonial violence is located in discourses regarding race, class and gender.
The Scramble for Africa was essentially driven by the idea of “New Imperialism.” “New Imperialism” started the era of colonialism amongst the European powers – specifically Great Britain, France, Belgium, Germany, Spain, and Portugal. It was driven by the idea of Social Darwinism, to aid the “dark people” on the “dark continent” of Africa because they were in need of “saving.” Imperialism became the primary focus through the late nineteenth century, and into the twentieth century; dividing the African continent into areas to be colonized under European rule. Although the countries primary focus was to spread Western religions and culture to the African continent, violence was used amongst the native peoples to further successful developments of the new European colonies. One of these colonies was the Belgian Congo, ruled by the Belgian King Leopold II. Under The King’s rule, acts of violence against the African people occurred regularly. Violence was believed to be a necessary component in the process of building a successful Belgian state.
Profant, Tomas. “French Geopolitics in Africa: From Neocolonialism to Identity.” Perspectives: Central European Review of International Affairs 18.1 (2010). 41-62. Web. 18 May 2014.
Criminalization is a term with many connections to smaller terms such as racialization, discrimination, marginalization, and oppression. This term is also connected to smaller terms as well as factors such as social location, age, race, sexuality, and religion. Overtime, this term has evolved into a concept encompassing many different social categories and inflated by many micro-aggressions controlled by normativity and the status quo. It is through a critical perspective and an anti-oppressive lens that I will discuss the evolution of racialization and criminalization in connection to minorities as well as its connection to the prison system and how it relates to crime and violence in Canadian society.
The world over, but to address Australia in particular, colonisation can be regarded as a well-known and impactful entity.
In the early 1990s, Rwanda had one of the highest population densities in Africa. The Rwandan population was comprised of Hutus, who made up 85% of the population while the Tutsis made up 14% of the population which “dominated the country,” (BBC , 2014). Before the Rwandan genocide the Hutus and the Tutsis ethnic groups got along with each other. They shared everything. They shared the same language, culture, and nationality. They were even intermarrying between the two groups. Most of the time they worked on farms together. The Hutus were usually in the field and the Tutsis were usually the landowners. When European colonists moved in they took the privileged and “educated intermediaries” and put them into two groups, governors and the governed.
A. Adu Boahen's African Perspectives on Colonialism neatly classifies African responses to European colonialism during both phases of invasion and occupation during the 19th century with precise labels according to their nature or time period. However, the reactions can also be loosely grouped into two diametric characterizations: peaceful and violent. Although creating this dichotomy seems a gross generalization and oversimplification of the colonial African experience, it more importantly allows for a different perspective- one that exposes the overwhelming success of the typically peaceful or pacifist reaction in contrast to the little gain and large losses of the violent response.
Europe and Africa have been linked together in evaluating the state formation process. Both regions have similarities, strengths, weaknesses, and room for improvement. To this day both regions are far from perfect. Some light can be shed on this subject, by evaluating Europe and Africa’s state formation process, evaluating what party benefits, and briefly explaining two economic consequences of European colonialism in Africa.
When Congo gained its independence from Belgium it struggled to develop and remained a weak state. There were many factors that led to Congo being unable to progress and create strong institutions within its countries borders. “Political divisions along the ethnic lines were prevalent, though this fact could be misleading. Ethnicity became the primary source of political mobilization i...
Africa’s struggle to maintain their sovereignty amidst the encroaching Europeans is as much a psychological battle as it is an economic and political one. The spillover effects the system of racial superiority had on the African continent fractured ...
Imperialism creates the color line, and within this study, the color line as race and class based on power and the ability to make a profit through expansion is a good starting point for understanding. This means that race and class are more than just European and non-European, but more clearly the core and periphery in regards to those who possess the power to effectively (ineffectively in some instances) govern those without power or the true means to gain power. This power mostly held firm in its place through violence, however, war and systems of oppression along with an indoctrination of superiority hold those seen as inferior under the hegemonic dominance of Western paternalism. Imperialism creates race and class for capitalistic gains that would seat the United States, and Japan at the table with great empires such as Great Britain, Germany, Russia, and France.
To adapt one of Isichei's claims, Nigeria's “confrontation with an alien culture, its conquest, and the experience of an alien rule, created … [crises]” (180). There were many riots and conflicts between the Nigerians and the British, although most of the uprisings were eventually subdued by the military power of the British. Riots were common—from the culturally rooted Yoruba riots in the West and the religious skirmishes with the Muslims and Hausa in the North, to the confrontations with the naturally ‘rich,' yet stubborn Igbo and Delta states. Apart from encompassing all the major ethnic groupings and regions in Nigeria, amazingly these conflicts also covered the three most explicit British inculcations: cultural, religious, and economic.
The British invasion formed into a historical development of British colonialism in India. Despite India under the British rule, Mahatma Gandhi played an important role in gaining Independence. He not only changed India but also strongly fought for India's independence, using various strategies. The British Empire ruled as long as they could to reform India both politically and socially.