Lauri Honko's Les Rites Of Passage

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Death is a recalcitrant fact of human life and like any significant crisis in human existence implies “a strong emotional upheaval, mental conflict and possible disintegration” (Malinowski 70). Funerary practices such as the merry wake and ritual lament survived in Ireland until the early years of the twentieth century. This essay will analyse the significance of these traditions and attempt to account for their resilience.

Lauri Honko (1979) suggested a model for the classification of rituals which distinguishes between three categories: 1) Rites of Passage 2) Calendrical rites, and 3) Crisis rites. Death rituals such as the wake fall within the category of rituals termed rites of passage. As such, funerary practices function as initiation …show more content…

Its function is to control the transition (an instable, vulnerable and critical state) and thereby ensure the individual and the community against powers of chaos. In his book Les Rites de Passage (1909, 1958), Arnold van Gennep developed a theory for understanding the ritual process of the rites of passage and proposed three stages to the ritual : 1) Separation 2) Transition, and 3) Reincorporation. Separation, the first stage, involves the participants divorcing from their normal lives. This stage typically involves physical and/or symbolic isolation and a stripping down of identity markers. The stage of transition, often called the liminal stage, is an undifferentiated and unlimited no-man’s land characterized by unusual acts, myth, anti-structure and intensity. In this part of the ritual, the structures of ordinary social life find explanation and legitimization and are equally confronted and challenged, allowing for reflection so that the participants may enter back into the everyday social life more aware of the norms and values of society as well as of their own place in it. In his seminal work …show more content…

Most notably, however, it shows storytelling as an act of memorialization (16). Storytelling at the same time keeps the deceased alive in narrative throughout the grieving process and prepares a place for the deceased in local collective memory (20). Cashman argues that rehearsing anecdotes at the wake “intensifies the process by which the deceased is conceptually transformed from a living member of the community into a characterizable type of person” that can be incorporated into a pantheon of past local characters; that is, storytelling at the wake incorporates the deceased into the secular afterlife of local folklore (20), which “contribute[s] to the notion of community long after the deaths of the actual individuals memorialized” (18) and presents an alternative to the religious incorporation into the Church Invisible. This perception on narration is shared by Taylor who suggests that the memory of the deceased “is as much communal as familial property, and for them his importance will continue in death, as in life, to be a function of his inherent charm and the relevance of the cultural values he can be made to exemplify” (Taylor 184). Indeed, most commemorative rituals seek to establish continuity between past and present in order to celebrate communal bonds, responding to the encounter with death by demonstrating the continuity of the social world and reaffirming its values of beliefs

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