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Is torture in Guantanamo Bay Ethical? While it may seem like an easy question to answer our country is vastly divided on this subject. There are countless parts to consider in order to truly be confident when answering a question like this. The circumstances alone can sway philosophers to debate on whether or not torture is right or not. I personally feel that torture is an unnecessary evil that has remained the same for ages. Throughout this paper I will demonstrate what has lead me to this conclusion by applying the modern problem of Guantanamo Bay to the famous philosophical ideas of Martha Nussbaum and Jeremy Bentham.
What is Guantanamo Bay, and why does torture play such a big role in its existence? Guantanamo Bay is a US military prison
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located in Cuba. Established in 2002 by the Bush administration, Guantanamo Bay was designed to hold military prisoners from the war on terror.
However, this is unlike any other US prison. One of the main goals at Guantanamo Bay is to extract information from prisoners with any means necessary. This is done through various ways of making these prisoners lives horrible. Some methods include electric torture, sensory deprivation, and extreme exposure to the elements. This horrible treatment is looked at as legal by the US government because it is located on foreign soil therefore it does not apply to the same laws that we have in the US.
While people may see torture as a necessary evil in order to stop terror attacks, the ethical dilemma of whether or not this is morally right still remains. In the article “Compassion and Terror” written by Martha Nussbaum, readers are introduced to several ideas on how humanity faces and deals with terrible situations. Nussbaum believes that terror affects humanity based on its relatedness to every person. This means that if something terrible happens, it is more likely to have a bigger effect on somebody that lives near the tragedy, than somebody that lives across the world. An example of this is
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the events that took place in the Rwandan genocide. Even when journalists were reporting mass murder, the outside world ignored it because it had such little effect on them. Nussbaum sees this human reaction as morally wrong and feels that we must treat every situation with equal compassion and effort no matter who is involved and how far away it is. She claims this in her article by saying “We are to recognize that all humans have dignity, and that this dignity is both inalienable and equal...The recognition of human dignity is supposed to impose obligations on all moral agents, whether the humans in question are conationals or foreigners” (Nussbaum 238). These ideas can be directly related and compared to Guantanamo Bay. Due to the fact that it is operating outside of the US border, Guantanamo Bay is operating with free will to torture and treat their prisoners without any mercy. This alteration of treatment goes directly against Nussbaum beliefs. The US government is treating people differently solely on the geographical location of where they are being held which is morally not right. Yet a large portion of our country demonstrated that they feel that this is ok by voting for the Trump administration, who has made it clear that they are fully behind Guantanamo Bay. In general, this mistreatment based on location is not acceptable and Nussbaum would be extremely against it. While it is clear that Nussbaum would be against Guantanamo Bay, the philosopher Jeremy Bentham may have slightly different ideas.
In Bentham’s article “An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation”, he introduces the philosophy of Utilitarianism. He believed that as humans our actions are driven to achieve the greatest amount of happiness and the least amount of pain. He demonstrates this in his article by saying “Start with the thought that it goes the whole way: the condition of the ward is exactly that of pure slavery. Now vary that by giving the guardian the obligation that turns his power into a trust; it is the obligation to act in the way that is most likely to bring to the ward the greatest quantity of happiness that his faculties and circumstances will allow (subject only to the guardian’s being permitted to care about his own happiness and obliged to care about the happiness of other men)” (Bentham 128). Using this idea, he felt that humans strive as a whole to achieve the greatest amount of good for the greatest amount of people. From this idea stemmed his Hedonic Calculus. Hedonic calculus assigns two different units to each action, hedons for a unit of pleasure and dolors for a unit of pain. With these measurements you are able to assign value to decisions and their effects, therefore, allowing somebody to more accurately decide what is the right thing to do to bring this greatest good. This compares to Guantanamo Bay because this calculus can
be used to determine if the actions performed at the prison are moral or not. The large amount of mistreatment associated with torture, sensory deprivation, and mass exposure to the elements are all horrible acts that rank up a large amount of dolors. While there are a lot of dolors associated with torture and the horrible treatment of the inmates, the argument can be made that more hedons do come out of the information that we receive and use to stop terror attacks. However, I believe that overall the amount of dolors that stem from this treatment do outweigh any potential hedons that come from gained information. In conclusion, I believe that Guantanamo Bay’s existence and the treatment of the prisoners held there are morally wrong and the facility should be closed. By using Nussbaum’s ideas, it is clear to see the differences in the treatment of the prisoners based solely on their location. In addition to this, Bentham’s hedonic calculus gives numerical values to these acts and I believe that that the dolors that come from the horrible treatment vastly outweigh any hedons. Overall, the existence of Guantanamo Bay is morally wrong and should be a more pressing issue that the people of the US demand to be changed.
Who wouldn’t have agreed? Yes, torture is cruel but it is less cruel than the substitute in many positions. Killing Hitler wouldn’t have revived his millions of victims nor would it have ended war. But torture in this predicament is planned to bring no one back but to keep faultless people from being sent off. Of course mass murdering is far more barbaric than torture. The most influential argument against using torture as a penalty or to get an acknowledgment is that such practices ignore the rights of the particulars. Michael Levin’s “The Case for Torture” discusses both sides of being with and being against torture. This essay gets readers thinking a lot about the scenarios Levin mentioned that torture is justified. Though using pathos, he doesn’t achieve the argument as well as he should because of the absence of good judgment and reasoning. In addition to emotional appeal, the author tries to make you think twice about your take on
Until there is a credible way to determine whether or not torture is in fact effective, I pass judgment that the practice should be discontinued. The question as to if the torture policy is a human rights violation or if it holds crucial necessity, is not answered in the essay. Applebaum explores the reality that torture possesses negative implications on the inflictor. After presented with the compelling stance and evidence, Applebaum raises the interesting question as to why so much of society believes that torture is successful. I agree that the torture policy is wrong, a point emphasized by Applebaum, contrary to the popular attitude surrounding the topic.
Alan Dershowitz challenges the legitimization of non-lethal torture in his essay, “Should the Ticking Bomb Terrorist be tortured?” He claims that torture should indeed be legitimized for specific scenarios that require such action. The ticking bomb terrorist gives the example of a terrorist withholding time-sensitive information that could result in the death of innocent citizens, if not shared. Not only does Dershowitz challenge the idea of torture, but he also gives a probable solution that favors the legitimization the torture. He mentions three values that would have to be complied with by all three branches of government if it were to be legitimated, which Dershowitz does endorse. The arguments of the two perspectives discussed in the
For decades, prison has been signified as an unspeakably horrifying place for those who have done harm to our society. Nevertheless, in today 's society, shows like Wentworth, orange is the new black and prison break illustrate prison in an entertaining way. A way that is so detached from reality. However, in the article "Norway 's Ideal Prison," by Piers Hernu, he clearly reveals and gives us a vivid picture of what prison life is like in Bastoy, the home of Norway only prison. On the other hand, "The Prisoners Dilemma," by Stephan Chapman argues how in Islamic countries criminals are being cruelly handled and how flawed the American penal system is and needs to be adjusted. Even though there are many similarities in both articles on what
Levin wants to change the negative views that society placed on torture so that, under extreme circumstances torture would be acceptable. He begins his essay with a brief description of why society views the topic of torture as a negative thing. He disagrees with those views, and presents three different cases in which he thinks torture must be carried out with provides few reasons to support his claim. He uses hypothetical cases that are very extreme to situations that we experience in our daily lives. From the start, Levin makes it perfectly clear to the reader that he accepts torture as a punishment. He tries to distinguish the difference between terrorists, and victims in order stop the talk of terrorist “right,” (648). Levin also explains that terrorists commit their crimes for publicity, and for that reason they should be identified and be tortured. He ends his essay by saying that torture is not threat to Western democracy but rather the opposite (Levin
In “Terrorism and Morality,” Haig Khatchadourian argues that terrorism is always wrong. Within this argument, Khatchadourian says that all forms of terrorism are wrong because the outcome deprives those terrorized of their basic humanity. To this end, Khatchadourian says that even forms of terrorism that are designed to bring about a moral good are wrong because of the methods used to achieve that good. Before Khatchadourian spells out why terrorism is wrong, he defines what terrorism is, what causes terrorism, and what people believe terrorism to mean. With a working definition in place, Khatchadourian examines terrorism’s role in a just war and shows that terrorism is never just, even during war. With the assertion that terrorism, even during wartime is unjust, Khatchadourian analyzes the variations of innocence and non-innocence surrounding the victims of a terrorist attack. The analysis of innocence and non-innocence is accomplished through review of the principal of discrimination and the principal of proportion and how each relates to terrorism. From these philosophical and ethical standpoints, Khatchadourian finds that terrorism is unjust and wrong because of the way it groups and punishes the innocent with the guilty, not allowing the victim to properly respond to the charges against them. Finally, Khatchadourian looks at how terrorism is always wrong because of the way it denies a person their basic human rights. In examination of person’s human rights, Khatchadourian finds that terrorism specifically “violates its targets’ right to be treated as moral persons,” as it inflicts pain, suffering and death to those who are not deserving (298).
The death and torture rates are extremely high where the prisoners are
Capital punishment and torture are often looked down on in today’s societies because they are viewed as cruel and unconstitutional, but perhaps they would help in more ways then we would like to admit. They can be beneficial in many ways such as encouragement to be truthful, encouragement to live by the laws, and as a source of punishment. Capital punishment and torture are thought to be too painful, and the person doing the punishment is also committing a crime.
After the September the 11th attacks on the world trade center, countries around the globe thought it was necessary to take extra precautions when dealing with terrorists. The United States hence forth brought terrorist that were being help to Guantanamo bay. Guantanamo bay hold terrorist that are responsible for the September 11th attacks. These terrorist are kept at Guantanamo in order to prevent any further attacks from happening with in the United States. The prisoners that are help there are subdued to a form of interrogation known as water boarding. The process consists of a cloth being placed over the detainees face and the interrogator proceeds to pour water over the detainees face. This gives the feeling that you are drowning, but really you re panicking because you think you are drowning. Many people
The notion that fear will make a human leak information is not a novel idea. Torture has widely been used throughout the world by many groups of people. After World War II, The Geneva Convention prohibited any nation from partaking in torture. The emergence of terrorist activity on American soil brought up the question whether torture should be advocated or prohibited from a moral standpoint. The US changed the definition of torture in order to forcibly attain potentially important information from captives. Even though the new clause suggested that many of the methods the US used were now legal, other countries still had an issue in terms of honoring the Geneva Convention and basic human rights. Advocates for torture promise that countless innocent lives can be saved from the information obtained from a single torture victim. Opponents to the advocates suggest that torture often results in misleading information. Morally, torture is not justified as it degrades humans and often leaves victims scarred for life and possibly dead.
Consider the following situation: You are an army officer who has just captured an enemy soldier who knows where a secret time bomb has been planted. Unless defused, the bomb will explode, killing thousands of people. Would it be morally permissible to torture them to get him to reveal the bomb’s location? Discuss this problem in light of both Utilitarian and Kantian moral theories and present arguments from both moral perspectives for why torture is morally wrong.
Torture is the process of inflicting pain upon other people in order to force them to say something against their own will. The word “torture” comes from the Latin word “torquere,” which means to twist. Torture can not only be psychologically but mentally painful. Before the Enlightenment, it was perfectly legal to torture individuals but nowadays, it is illegal to torture anyone under any circumstances. In this essay, I will demonstrate why torture should never acceptable, not matter the condition.
Is the intentional pain that an individual experiences justified if there is the potential to save the lives of many? Torture is the most used weapon in the “war against terrorism” but does it work? The purpose of this essay is to identify what the motives for torturing are, the effectiveness of torture, and important issues with the whole process of torture.
The features of enhanced confinement that consistently draw the most profound condemnation revolve around: the often-brutal forms and compassionless deprivations in which these units or facilities operate, the harrowing living conditions that inmates are compelled to endure, the resulting physical and psychological damage to body and soul, and the questionable legality of such confinement. Leading human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch are regularly outing the United States for operating torturous prisons that house convicted criminals in the most deplorable and extra-legal conditions. (Marion Experiment pgs.
Bentham’s Utilitarianism sees the highest good as the greatest happiness for the greatest number. Jeremy Bentham believed that by adding up the amounts of pleasure and pain for each possible act we should be able to choose the good thing to do. Happiness equaled pleasure minus pain. Bentham provided a way of measuring pleasure and pain, he called it the hedonic calculus. There are seven criteria to this calculus. First being the intensity being measured – how strong is the pleasure. The second criteria, duration – how long will the pleasure last. The third, certainty – how likely or unlikely is the pleasure. Fourth, Propinquity - How far off in the future is the pleasure or pain. The fifth, fecundity – what is the likely hood that a succession of pleasure will follow. The sixth criteria, purity – What is the probability that the pain will lead to other pain. Lastly, is the extent – how many people will be affected. This calculus gave Bentham a method of testing whether an action is morally right in that if it was good it would result in the most pleasurable outcome, having weighed up all the elements. These factors weigh up the potential amount of pleasure or pain which might arise from moral actions to decide which would be the best option to take. Ideally this formula should determine which act has the best tendency and is therefore