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Individualism and its effect on society
What does it mean to be individual
What does it mean individualism
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“I have no name, no title” (Shakespeare 4.1.266). With these words, former King Richard II laments his deposition at the hands of Bolingbroke, but his reasoning extends beyond simply his loss of power. In Richard’s world a name means everything, in that it connects an individual to both his ancestors and his descendents. Consequently, when Richard loses his title, he also loses his identity. Likewise, when the aristocracy melts away in the democratic centuries, individuals lose their ties to the past and to the future and become isolated. In Democracy in America, Tocqueville explores the sources and ramifications of this phenomenon, which he calls individualism. However, Tocqueville is not the only thinker to comment on the operations of individualism …show more content…
in society. In Leviathan, Hobbes illustrates the causes and consequences of individualism through his “state of nature,” while the writers of The Federalist Papers used individualism to frame the structure of the U.S. government. Furthermore, residents of the current century may witness the long-term consequences of individualism beginning to manifest themselves in the opioid epidemic afflicting the U.S.’s isolated populations. First and foremost, Tocqueville distinguishes individualism from the frequently confused selfishness. In distinguishing individualism from selfishness, Tocqueville also distinguishes democracies from aristocracies. Tocqueville defines individualism as a “reflective and peaceable sentiment” of “democratic origin,” while he describes selfishness as an “exaggerated love of self” and a “vice as old as the world” (Tocqueville 482-483). Because individualism is a new feature of democracies, Tocqueville describes the implications of the trend among democratic families. In aristocracies, individuals had a stronger connection to the past and to the future because families remained in the same location for centuries, rendering all generations “contemporaries” in a way (Tocqueville 483). According to Tocqueville, the aristocratic man “almost always knows his ancestors and respects them” and “believes he already perceives his great-grandsons” and “loves them” (Tocqueville 483). As a result of this multi-generational bond, the aristocratic man feels a duty to a group of people larger than himself; he must protect the reputation of his family name. As Tocqueville explains, the aristocratic citizen “willingly does his duty by both” his ancestors and his descendents and “frequently comes to sacrifice his personal enjoyments for beings who no longer exist or who do not yet exist” (Tocqueville 483). Therefore, in an aristocratic society, individuals feel less isolated because they exist within the context of their name. Their duties exist for them before their births, and they are part of a much larger picture that expands beyond their lifetimes. Shakespeare’s Richard II displays the difference between aristocratic societies and democratic societies as it relates to family identity.
For instance, in Richard’s world, a life builds around the connection to one’s ancestors and descendants. In the play, characters repeatedly appeal to their bloodlines for authority and power. Moreover, society expects people to be like their ancestors, even the ones who lived long before they did. For example, Gaunt scolds Richard by comparing him, unfavorably, to his grandfather with the lines, “had thy grandsire with a prophet’s eye / Seen how his son’s son should destroy his sons, / From forth thy reach he would have laid thy shame” (Shakespeare 2.1.110-112). With these words, Gaunt blames Richard not only for destroying his own reputation, but also for destroying the reputation of all his descendants. When Bolingbroke strips Richard of his kingship, Richard feels isolated because he lost his connection to his ancestors and descendants, who will no longer hold the same power or title he did. Richard expresses his feeling that he lost his identity when he says “I have no name, no title, / No, not that name was given me at the font, / But ‘tis usurped. Alack the heavy day, / That I have worn so many winters out / And know not now what name to call myself” (Shakespeare 4.1.265-270). Tocqueville argues that, like Richard, many democratic citizens feel the same distance from others and from an identity as a consequence of …show more content…
individualism. Furthermore, Tocqueville explores the origins of individualism in democracies.
According to Tocqueville, the source of individualism in democratic societies is the equality of conditions (Tocqueville 483). As class associations previously found in aristocracies disappear, each citizen isolates himself “from the mass of those like him” and withdraws “to one side with his family and his friends” (Tocqueville 482). After the individual removes himself from those similar to him, he creates “a little society for his own use” and then “willingly abandons society at large” (Tocqueville 482). The individual finds himself stranded, removed from the family lineage that bonded members of different generations in aristocratic times. Likewise, Hobbes also characterizes individualism through his imagined “state of nature,” a world in which men are “so equal in the faculties of body and mind” that they all hope to achieve the same ends (Hobbes 74-75). Therefore, Hobbes and Tocqueville agree that equality is the source of
individualism. However, Tocqueville’s and Hobbes’ perspectives on the effects of individualism diverge. According to Hobbes, when men of equal abilities directly compete with one another, they become enemies (Hobbes 75). The equality of conditions allows for every man to be a potential threat to every other man’s life, thus sustaining a perpetual state of war (Hobbes 76). In this continual state of war, each man lives in “continual fear and danger of a violent death,” a state that renders his life as “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short” (Hobbes 76). Therefore, Hobbes’ “state of nature,” which arises out of an equality of conditions like the one Tocqueville describes, also leads to isolation. However, while the individuals in Hobbes’ state of nature constantly anticipate war, the state of nature is not a bloodbath. Instead, Hobbes says that men’s fear of death inclines them to seek peace and live under the Leviathan, or “a common power to keep them all in awe” (Hobbes 78). Therefore, for Hobbes, equality first leads to the possibly of total war and ruthless violence, followed by a stagnating fear that produces peace and passive conformity. Yet, while Hobbes builds off of an “equality of conditions” like Tocqueville does, he believes that natural human isolation diminishes in the context of a society. The problems caused by equality diminish under the Leviathan while they intensify under a democracy. In fact, the equality of conditions and feelings of isolation that emerge from it spawn the great dangers of democracy that Tocqueville describes.
insist on our right of and capacity for being self-governing individuals. But we find ourselves again under the rule of a king - an authority exterior to the self. This time, however, we cannot as easily identify the king and declare our independence." Despite
In today’s society, American citizens tend to believe that America has been, “American” since the day that Christopher Columbus set foot in the Bahamas. This is a myth that has been in our society for a multitude of years now. In A New England Town by Kenneth A. Lockridge, he proves that America was not always democratic. Additionally, he proves that America has not always been “American”, by presenting the town of Dedham in 1635. Lockridge presents this town through the course of over one hundred years, in that time many changes happened as it made its way to a type of democracy.
Tocqueville seems to like democracy in its ideal form. However, nothing can be perfect and thus America is not a perfect democracy. Tocqueville found numerous problems with democracy and the influence it had on the populace. These problems range from their distrust of dogmatic beliefs to the imperfect equality that is in place in America. He also found the effects of these problems to be quite problematic as well. For instance, individualism, an effect of equality, is very problematic to democracy. Tocqueville enjoys considering America as an experiment in democracy, but does not find it to be faultless.
Tocqueville (rather bizarrely in retrospect) conceived of America as having “an almost complete equality of conditions”. While in respect to the French alone, Tocqueville argues, “the taste and the idea of freedom began to exist and to be developed only at the time when social conditions were tending to equality and as a consequence of that very equality.” Tocqueville draws the first stirrings of equality to the “political power of the clergy,” which upon being consolidated began to spread and upon its ranks to “all classes, to rich and poor, commoner, and noble.” Thus “through the Church, equality penetrates into the government, and he who as a serf must have vegetated in perpetual bondage could, as a priest, take his place in the midst of nobles, and would often sit above kings.” Tocqueville continues to trace the ascent of equality and descent of aristocracy to the financial demise of kings “ruining themselves by their great enterprises; the nobles exhausting their resources by private wars, [while] the lower orders enriching themselves by commerce”. And with the advent and spread of education, the “value attached to high birth declines just as fast as new avenues to power are
Thomas Hobbes believes that the optimal form of authority is one that has absolute power over its people, consisting of just one person who will retain the exclusive ability to oversee and decide on all of society’s issues. This Sovereign will be constituted by a social contract with the people. With that, the Sovereign will hold all of the citizens’ rights, and will be permitted to act in whichever way he or she deems necessary. The philosopher comes to this conclusion with deductive reasoning, utilizing a scientific method with straightforward arguments to prove his point.
In Democracy in America, Alexis De Tocqueville explains the dangers of democracy and explains the virtues that temper these dangers. In this paper, I will look at two issues Tocqueville discussed extensively in late 19th century American democracy and posit what Tocqueville may say about these issues today. The points I will discuss are materialism and religion. In a democracy, such as America, the individual’s opportunity to succeed makes him more likely to become attached to material and money. However, in Tocqueville’s Democracy in America, this danger is tempered by religion, which quenches the lust for material by reducing its importance in comparison to good mores. These two elements of American democracy are a small portion of the “Habits of the hearts” of Americans; they are two ideas that complement each other to make democracy appealing and possible anywhere and everywhere. Is this the case today? Is the American’s relationship to materialism and religion similar today to what it was when Tocqueville visited America?
Although they may not be aware of it, complex philosophic principles influence the simple actions of the mass’s everyday lives. In fact, long lasting and well defined contentions of basic philosophy concerning the actions of human beings has not only affected individuals, but also entire countries. Some of the greatest nations on Earth have been formed around key thoughts and opinions of several great philosophers. Primarily amongst these, however, or John Locke and Thomas Hobbes, both of whom wrote on “The State of Nature”, or the state of absolute freedom. While Locke and Hobbes had vastly different opinions on the natural state of a human being, no matter who you are your life is somehow affected by their philosophic writings.
Moreover, apart from the tyranny of the majority problem, Tocqueville feared that societies that are democratic will end up eventually, by being too fixed unalterably with the same prejudice, institutions and mores, so that mankind will halt their progress and will dig in itself (Tocqueville and Mayer, 1969). A more general influence on democracy than the mores is as described by Tocqueville and Reeve (2009 p.66), to make them even more gentle. This implies that people do not have the terrible vices in general, but they also lack the extraordinary virtues. Tocqueville, himself an aristocrat, lamented the loss of great honor, heroism, virtue and intelligence.
In this speech, Shakespeare targeted his Elizabethan audience through allusions to the Great Chain of Being, which governed their society, with the intent of influencing the themes that his audience interpreted. Targeting the audience with that aspect of their lives had the effect of developing Hamlet’s underlying themes: the frailty of man, appearance versus reality, and the uncertainty of death.
De Tocqueville’s argument was between equality versus individualism. He describes individualism as “a calm and considered feeling which disposes each citizen to isolate himself from the mass of his fellows and withdraw into the circle of family and friends” (De Tocqueville, 506). His perspective was that individualism empowers people to become competent but also strengthens and reassures society to work with the others in the community to magnify the possibilities for humans. As stated by Professor Veugelers “De Tocqueville happened to see that the inequality between the rich and the poor became more restricted, and thought that at some point the gap will close.”
Tracing the creation of the gentleman to the creation of a clearly defined class of nobility in feudal Europe, Tocqueville claims in his The Old Regime and the Revolution that “the class since
The opening line of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's influential work 'The Social Contract' (1762), is 'man is born free, and he is everywhere in chains. Those who think themselves masters of others are indeed greater slaves than they'. These are not physical chains, but psychological and means that all men are constraints of the laws they are subjected to, and that they are forced into a false liberty, irrespective of class. This goes against Rousseau's theory of general will which is at the heart of his philosophy. In his Social Contract, Rousseau describes the transition from a state of of nature, where men are naturally free, to a state where they have to relinquish their naturalistic freedom. In this state, and by giving up their natural rights, individuals communise their rights to a state or body politic. Rousseau thinks by entering this social contract, where individuals unite their power and freedom, they can then gain civic freedom which enables them to remain free as the were before. In this essay, I will endeavour to provide arguments and examples to conclude if Rousseau provides a viable solution to what he calls the 'fundamental problem' posed in the essay title.
Individual liberty is the freedom to act and believe as one pleases. It is a widely controversial issue when it comes to the power of the government policing over individual�s freedoms. In this paper, I am going to compare two well known philosophers, Thomas Hobbes and John Rawls. In part one, I will explain the political and social positions taken by each philosopher. I will explain how Thomas Hobbes is associated with the �social contract theory,� and how John Rawls� theory of government is a �theory of justice.� In doing so, I will describe their different viewpoints on the government and its power over the people. In Part two, I will describe the differences between Hobbes and Rawls. I will argue that Rawls position on the government is the most reasonable, and I will explain why I believe so. In part three, I will explain my own theory and viewpoint with the example of sex laws, including prostitution. With this example, I will tell how and why I believe individual liberty is important. In part four, I will explain how someone might disagree with my position. I will explain how conservative individuals would argue that the government should regulate sexual activity to protect the greater good of society. Finally, I will conclude with discussing the power of the government and individual liberties in today�s society.
American society’s unique foundation in “equality of conditions” is seemingly looked to in great admiration by Alexis de Tocqueville in Democracy in America -- as he sees such a societal state as the inevitable outcome of a historical cause-and-effect chain in which “the noble has fallen on the social ladder, and the commoner has risen.” Despite such reverence however, Tocqueville also warns of several potential pitfalls arising from an equal state. In this paper, I will use Tocqueville's work to discuss one such perils of “equality of conditions”-- individualism -- and how it subsequently breeds an isolation among fellow countrymen that could very well lead to the demise of democracy, as Tocqueville himself puts it. I will do so through the
In Democracy in America Tocqueville introduces concepts such as individualism, the effects of the law of inheritance, the parental government figure, and tyranny of the majority.