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Is democracy practical in the middle east
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In Eva Bellin’s “The Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East: Exceptionalism in Comparative Perspective” she argues that the inability of the Middle Eastern countries to catch up on the wave of democratization may be associated to the robustness of the coercive apparatus in multiple states of the area and their will and capacity to crush any form of democratic initiative. She makes a valid point by first acknowledging the fact that even though the majority of these states have failed to meet the prerequisites for democracy there are multiple countries around the world that have been able to establish democratic regimes in the absence of many of these conditions. However, she also recognizes that the lack of them may have strengthen
The authoritarian regimes of the Middles cycled through a pattern of anti-western policy until the globalization effects of economics and information demanded reform. As conservative Arab states try to maintain the autocracy they relied on after gaining independence, their citizens, affected by information and education expansion, challenge their resistant governments as typified by Syria’s unwillingness to capitulate. The proliferation of information and education underscored the protest movements of the Arab Spring because citizens’ contempt for their obstinate governments grew to large under economic pressures, as the current situation in Syria demonstrates.
The effects of new digital technologies and their policy implications result in a complex issue that is always evolving. “Change of State: Information, Policy, and Power” by Sandra Braman presents a breakdown of policy development for the constant evolution of the technological world and how it affects the state and society. She theorizes that the ‘information state’ is in the process of replacing the welfare state, to the detriment of the citizen and the democratic process. Braman “looks at the ways in which governments are deliberate, explicit, and consistent in their use of information policy to exercise power, exploring not only such familiar topics as intellectual property rights and privacy but also areas in which policy is highly effective but little understood,” (The MIT Press 2014). She argues that development of information policy cause transformation in the nature of governance, making the state more powerful and the citizen lose their rights, freedom and identity.
In this essay, I will define authoritarianism and discuss the differences and similarities between Adorno et al.’s and Altemeyer’s approaches towards authoritarianism. Authoritarianism refers to the obedience and strict adherence to rules and figures of authority, as well as this, an authoritarian personality can be characterised by hostility towards groups or individuals who differ from what they perceive as normal (The Open University, 2015, p23).
With the Internet and everything it brings (instantaneous communication and social media) now a part of everyday life across the globe, its hard to believe that people in middle eastern authoritarian states have no concept of the democratic process and the benefits it can bring to the populace.
The contentious little book titled Women, Power, Politics maintains politics to be devalued, acknowledging the fact that only few people do vote, and women are unable to achieve within the realm of Canadian politics. Sylvia Bashevkin, the author of the book argues that Canadians have a profound unease with women in positions of political authority, what she calls the "women plus power equals discomfort" equation. She evaluates a range of barriers faced by women who enter politics, including the media's biased role of representing the private lives of women in politics, and she wonders why citizens find politics is underrepresented in Canada compared to Belgium. In clear, accessible terms, Bashevkin explains her ideas on how to eliminate “low voters turn-out,” “devaluation of politics,” "gender schemas," and "media framing.” She outlines some compelling solutions to address the stalemate facing women in Canadian politics which are; contesting media portrayals, changing the rule of the game, improving legislative quotas, electoral reform, movement renewals, and so on. This response paper would addresses the reality of a political mainstream, actions which should be taken against the oppressive elements of reality, and the awareness it brings through economic, social, and political environment.
Political systems fluctuate across the world, and can range from democracies to dictatorships. In “What Do We Know About Democratization After 20 Years”, Barbara Geddes explores the changes in democracy over a period of twenty years and the likelihood of countries interchanging between democratic governments and authoritarian regimes. Geddes compares the differences between the three main types of authoritarian regimes, which are single-party, personalist, and military. She also argues that military regimes tend to have shorter life spans than the other main types of authoritarian regimes because the military regimes are more susceptible to crumbling, and are less resilient to overcoming exogenous shocks.
Although many of Sebastian Rosato’s criticisms of the causal underpinnings of both the institutional and normative explanations of the democratic peace are valid, his analysis of the failure of the public constraint is incomplete. While I do not disagree with Rosato’s contention that, “democracies are just as likely to go to war as non-democracies” (Rosato, 2003, p. 594), I believe this misses a key contention of the democratic peace: that democracies are less likely to fight wars against other democracies. I argue that democracies are particularly averse to conflict with other democracies, which would explain why democracies are no less likely to go to war in general, but avoid war with democratic nations. Applying the observation that the democratic peace is essentially a post-World War II phenomena restricted to the Americas and Western Europe strengthens this argument.
For quite some time, a considerable discussion and debate has been going on whether or not there is compatibility between democracy and Islam. After the birth of Islam, the extensive spread of the Muslim population make this monotheistic, Abrahamic religion is the second largest in the world with over a billion followers. Throughout the passage of time, many have come to opinionate that liberal democracy can exist in the Muslim world as it has all the necessary elements that a modern democratic state and society requires. However, many still oppose to the compatibility of the two solely due to the belief that democratic principles desecrate and condemn the values of the religion of Islam.
With the development of human society, civilization is incessantly progressive. One aspect of human civilization’s progress is political civilization. Democratic politics can be considered to be the representatives of political civilization. When people refer to the history of human progress, they find that human beings struggle to achieve this great goal and no one can stop the human desire for political freedom. In 2011, one more country took a step towards democracy. Egypt is in the ancient, sacred and conservative Middle East. Egyptians are cheering for their own political aspirations as they overthrew Mubarak’s dictatorship, and are gradually making efforts to establish a democratic and peaceful country.
In comparing the average citizen in a democratic nation, say the United States, to that of a non-democratic nation, for instance Egypt, it will be found that the citizen in the democratic nation is generally better off – free of persecution, free from fear of the authorities, and free to express his opinions on governmental matters. And while national conflicts occur everywhere, incidents like violent revolts have shown to be more prevalent in nations where citizens are not allowed to choose who governs them. It is slightly paradoxical that democracy, so inherently flawed in theory, can lead to such successful outcomes in practice. The question, then, becomes: “If democracy has so many weaknesses, why does it work?”
The world has lost over twenty democracies with in the past twenty years and it seems like it is failing in many more countries. In the books “Fate of the west” by Bill Emmott, “The retreat of western liberalism” by Edward Luce, and “The post american world” by Fareed Zakaria, they try to explain why this is happening.
The phenomenon is a highly relevant case for democratization or democratic transition and a catalyst of change in the dynamics of the international relations. A study of the internal and external variables causing the divergent outcomes of the Arab Spring presents a vital opportunity for augmentation of scholarship on transition and an empirical avenue to test, modify, and perhaps falsify existing theories in comparative politics and international relations.
As etatist and patrimonial states “restricted meaningful political participation and the development of effective civil-society organizations” (Bayat 56), formal social movements had little success withstanding the repression of the authoritarian Middle Eastern regimes (Bayat 59). Therefore, in order to assert their citizenships and secure their basic rights, the subordinate and the disenfranchised often have to resort to more tacit means of political participation. Despite such severe social and political suppression, the politics of the MENA region is constantly being challenged and defied, not through the conventional means of organized resistance, rather, resistance is manifest in what Bayat describes as the “nonmovements”- the collective effects of the unorganized and ordinary efforts of disfranchised groups working individually to improve their own lives- of subalterns who pursue their own interests in the public domain. ...
Whereas, democratization should be done through self-determination. Democracy requires citizenship participation, while coercive democratization does not respect the idea of political participation. Coercive democratization with military intervention disrupts the balance of power in a country. It is destined to fail because imposing democracy by force is contradictory to democracy itself. Beetham also argues that if foreign actors “liberated” a country, then the new government would not last without their support, especially if they have no prior experience with democracy. Citizens from an authoritarian regime will not be able to sustain a democratic one. Additionally, coercive democracy does not usually prioritize promoting democratization but focuses on removing a threat, such as weapons of mass destruction for personal gain, usually through regime change. The best way to do this is by changing the regime within a country. For example, the invasion of Iraq and the overthrow of Saddam Hussein was a way of displaying U.S. power. It also exposed the corrupt, inadequately acknowledged side of democratic promotion that has always existed. The U.S. mainly wanted oil security and hoped the overthrow would stimulate democratization within the region. Another goal was to reduce the threat of terrorism and war in general, since democratic regimes tend to get along. However, since no weapons of mass destruction were found, the Iraq invasion was justified with democratization. If democracy does occur in a country, it is usually an indirect consequence of military intervention, such as in Bangladesh after the Indian invasion of East Pakistan. Coercive democracy could work if there are already pre-existing democratic conditions in a country. But in Iraq’s case, it did not lead to democratization.
“Are political Islam and democracy compatible?” This question has been troubling both Muslims and non-Muslims living in East and West for a long time now. Contemporary Islamic political thought has become deeply influenced by attempts at reconciling Islam and democracy. Muslim thinkers who deal with political debates cannot disregard the significance of the democratic system, as it is the prevailing theme of modern western political thought. Hence, it is necessary for any alternative political system, whether it is religious or secular, to explore its position with regards to democratic government. In fact, a large literature and media publications have developed over the last century on this heated discourse of democracy versus Islam. While many argue that Islam has all the ingredients of modern state and democratic society, many other reject the phenomena “modernism” and “democracy” as a whole because of their “foreign nature”—alien to “Islamic values”. For Islamists and modernists, the motivation for such effort to either embrace or reject democracy often is to remove suspicion about the nature and goals of Islamic movements and Islamic revivalism or resurgence. But before diving into this discourse, one needs to understand the definition and origins of “democracy.” Although purely a Western ideology in its origin, there is no consensus on the definition of “democracy” as a political system. The Oxford English Dictionary describes democracy as: “A system of government by the whole population or all the eligible members of a state, typically through elected representatives” (“democracy, n.”). In my paper, I will examine whether or not democracy and Sunni political Islam are compatible through the eyes of three revolutionary Sun...