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The impact of rape culture
Women's rights human rights analysis
The impact of rape culture
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Reproductive Justice is a phrase utilized by multiple social movements in support of various issues, typically abortion rights and access to birth control. This phrase has no official definition because it is socially defined within the context it is used, but the most basic, inclusive explanation is that reproductive justice is the complete physical, mental, spiritual, political, social, and economic well-being of women and girls, based on the full achievement and protection of women’s human rights (Public Education Project). This concept is often discussed in feminist spaces to mobilize for feminist causes, but there is dissent within the feminist movement about how reproductive justice can be achieved. Dorothy Roberts in “Reproductive Justice, …show more content…
Not Just Rights” and Gretchen E. Ely along with Catherine N. Dulmus in “Abortion Policy And Vulnerable Women In The United States: A Call For Social Work Policy Practice” attempt to disentangle the complex web of politics and rhetoric surrounding reproductive justice by outlining their personal interpretations and plans of action to achieve their desired goals. Roberts argues that in order to attain reproductive justice in America the political Left must replace the dominant logic of the reproductive rights debate and replace it with more extensive visions of social change.
She disparages the rhetoric of choice commonly used in Leftist arguments, citing its potential to limit state support for reproductive rights by placing the blame on women who make “bad choices”. She goes on to criticise the logic used by sections of the Left to argue for reproductive justice because, “framing birth control as a cost-reducing and problem-solving measure masks its potential for racial and class bias and coercion, as well as the systematic and structural reasons for social inequities.” (Roberts). Overall Roberts promotes reform of the reproductive justice movement to include efforts to achieve “a living wage, universal healthcare, and the abolition of prisons” because she believes these would be instrumental in achieving true reproductive …show more content…
justice. Ely and Dulmus point to systematic and structural barriers to achieving reproductive justice and focus on the legislative aspects of the fight for reproductive rights.They argue that while women in the United States are constitutionally guaranteed equality, they often experience inequality when seeking reproductive health services due to their status as members of vulnerable groups. They point to the disparities in services experienced by minors, women who live in rural areas, women who earn less than 200% of the poverty level, and women of color. Ultimately, Ely and Dulmus support efforts to change the legislation surrounding reproductive justice issues and the use of social workers to support this movement. While all the authors criticize the current system’s inequalities on similar grounds, they also have fundamentally different approaches to the solution of these problems.
All authors consider reproductive rights inequality through a lens of class and race, and argue for changes in the way the United States addresses these problems. However, Roberts calls for broad changes on a social level along with institutional reforms. She states that, “true reproductive freedom requires a living wage, universal health care, and the abolition of prison,” (Roberts), which illustrates her desire for a large, foundational overhaul of American systems. This type of comprehensive change to address structural inequalities aligns with the goals of radical feminists who advocate for a complete overhaul of oppressive systems. Conversely, Ely and Dumas argue for changes within the legislation, primarily the repeal of laws which they consider to be the main oppressive force faced by vulnerable groups, which falls within the liberal feminist framework for enacting change within the established system. Additionally Ely and Dumas use the language of choice to uphold their argument, stating, “The power to choose whether to bear children is the fundamental premise of reproductive freedom.” (Ely and Dumas). Roberts disparages the rhetoric of choice used by many on the Left. Ultimately Ely and Dumas, and Roberts approach the same issue, reproductive justice, with different possible
solutions. The argument made by Roberts is more intellectually stimulating than that made by Ely and Dumas but potentially less realistic. Ideologically, it is appealing to address inequality on a broad social level, however the lack of concrete goals and direction makes this type of change difficult to enact. The mobilization of large groups of people to achieve changes is often done around specific, single issue causes which makes the plan of Ely and Dumas more feasible despite doing less to change the lives of disadvantaged groups. Ultimately, Roberts makes a compelling case for broad social change, however Ely and Dumas offer a more realistic and feasible approach to addressing inequality in reproductive health systems in the United States.
The committed organization has thus kidnapped you and attached his circulatory system to yours through various technological means in order to extract poisons from his blood. If you were to disconnect, or unplug yourself from the violinist, he would immediately die, but in nine months he would have recovered and could be safely detached. Thomson concludes that a person’s right to life does not trump the right to use another person’s body. Thus, if you disconnect from the violinist, you will merely deprive him of your body- to which he has no right. However, if you continue to stay connected to the artist, you will only be doing a kindness on your part, not an obligation.
In this essay, I will hold that the strongest argument in defence of abortion was provided by Judith Jarvis Thompson. She argued that abortion is still morally permissible, regardless if one accepts the premise that the foetus is a person from the moment of conception. In what follows, I agree that abortion is permissible in the ‘extreme case’ whereby the woman’s life is threatened by the foetus. Furthermore, I agree that abortion is permissible to prevent future pain and suffering to the child. However, I do not agree that the ‘violinist’ analogy is reliable when attempting to defend abortion involving involuntary conception cases such as rape, whereby the foetus does not threaten the woman’s health. To achieve this, I will highlight the distinction
In the Judith Jarvis Thomson’s paper, “A Defense of Abortion”, the author argues that even though the fetus has a right to life, there are morally permissible reasons to have an abortion. Of course there are impermissible reasons to have an abortion, but she points out her reasoning why an abortion would be morally permissible. She believes that a woman should have control of her body and what is inside of her body. A person and a fetus’ right to life have a strong role in whether an abortion would be okay. Thomson continuously uses the story of a violinist to get the reader to understand her point of view.
During the nineteenth century, white women feminist were demanding access to birth control, they wanted to be in control of their reproduction. In this birth control movement, it lacked the participation of women of colored. There was assumption on why women of color didn’t participate: women of color were fighting against racism or weren’t aware of sexism. In reality, women of colored couldn’t associate themselves to the cause because they exhibit sterilization abuse. In the birth control movement, white women were fighting for abortion right, they were fighting for them to have the decision to either keep or abort a child. While, women of color were forced into sterilization without consent. Women of color didn’t support the “Pro-Choice”
In her essay “A Feminist Defense of Abortion” Sally Markowitz addresses the Autonomy defense as not being feminist in nature. She comes to this conclusion by recognizing that the right to bodily autonomy is not just a female right but a right that is innate for every person, male or female. Markowitz then asserts that the human right to bodily autonomy in regard to abortion should not be a gender neutral defense. Many feminists have come to the conclusion that the Autonomy Defense works against women in the courts as it shifts the focus away from gender inequality. Feminists have adopted the belief that sometimes gender should be relevant in claiming rights. To fail to claim a right on the basis of gender in the situation of abortion would obscure the relationship between reproductive practices and their oppression.
St. Olaf College's theme for Women's History Month is "Women in Politics." The featured guest speaker was Sarah Weddington, the attorney who, in 1973, argued the winning side of Roe vs. Wade before the United States Supreme Court. This decision significantly influenced women's reproductive rights by overturning the Texas interpretation of abortion law and making abortion legal in the United States.
In Judith Jarvis Thompson’s article “A Defense of Abortion” she explores the different arguments against abortion presented by Pro –Life activists, and then attempts to refute these notions using different analogies or made up “for instances” to help argue her point that women do have the right to get an abortion. She explains why abortion is morally permissible using different circumstances of becoming pregnant, such as rape or unplanned pregnancy.
In the article 'A Defense of Abortion' Judith Jarvis Thomson argues that abortion is morally permissible even if the fetus is considered a person. In this paper I will give a fairly detailed description of Thomson main arguments for abortion. In particular I will take a close look at her famous 'violinist' argument. Following will be objections to the argumentative story focused on the reasoning that one person's right to life outweighs another person's right to autonomy. Then appropriate responses to these objections. Concluding the paper I will argue that Thomson's 'violinist' argument supporting the idea of a mother's right to autonomy outweighing a fetus' right to life does not make abortion permissible.
Judith Thomson’s “A Defense of Abortion” is an essay where Thomson argues that abortion is not impermissible. To be even more precise, she argues for abortion should also be sometimes permissible, but she also grants that there are certain situations in which getting an abortion would be immoral. “Most opposition to abortion relies on the premise that the fetus is a human being, a person, from the moment of conception.” (Thomson, 48). She uses the rhetorical triangle to help her achieve her argument about abortion. Which uses ethos, pathos, and logos to influence her providing the argument surrounding abortion.
The debate of abortion continues to be a controversial problem in society and has been around for many decades. According to Jone Lewis, “In the United States, abortion laws began to appear in the 1820’s, forbidding abortion after the fourth month of pregnancy” (1). This indicates that the abortion controversy has been debated far back into American history. Beginning in the 1900’s, legalized abortion became a major controversy. In 1965, all fifty states in the United States banned abortion; however, that was only the beginning of the controversy that still rages today (Lewis 1). After abortion was officially banned in the United States, groups such as the National Abortion Rights Action League worked hard on a plan to once again legalize abortion in the United States (Lewis 1). It wasn’t until 1970 when the case of Roe (for abortion) v. Wade (against abortion) was brought...
This essay examines and critiques Judith Jarvis Thomson’s, A Defense of Abortion (1971). Thomson sets out to show that the foetus does not have a right to the mother’s body and that it would not be unjust to perform an abortion when the mother’s life is not threatened. For the sake of the argument, Thomson adopts the conservative view that the foetus is a person from the moment of conception. The conservative argument asserts that every person has a right to life. The foetus has a right to life.
No other element of the Women’s Rights Movement has generated as much controversy as the debate over reproductive rights. As the movement gained momentum so did the demand for birth control, sex education, family planning and the repeal of all abortion laws. On January 22, 1973 the Supreme Court handed down the Roe v. Wade decision which declared abortion "fundamental right.” The ruling recognized the right of the individual “to be free from unwanted governmental intrusion into matters so fundamentally affecting a person as the right of a woman to decide whether or not to terminate her pregnancy.” (US Supreme Court, 1973) This federal-level ruling took effect, legalizing abortion for all women nationwide.
Choice, what is choice? Choice is the right, power, or opportunity to choose. Everybody in society has a choice and these choices have many outcomes. A woman’s right to choose to have an abortion or not, is her fundamental right. If society outlaws abortion, society is interfering with the woman’s right to make decisions related to her own body. Many theorists believe that sexuality is what divides women from men and makes women less valuable than men; keeping this concept in mind it can be said that gender plays an immense role in social inequality. In one of Thomas Jefferson’s speeches, he explains how we should never put at risk our rights because our freedom can be next. (lp. org 2007) Roe.V .Wade is believed to have been the United States Supreme Court’s decision that resulted in the dawn of the abortion controversy between pro-choice and pro-life advocates, and whether what the woman is carrying is simply just a fetus or a life, the debate is endless. The social-conflict theory reflects the inequality women face regarding abortion in society which brings about a negative change. If a woman’s right to choose would be taken from her then this would cause social inequity. Taking a women’s right to choose would mean taking her freedom and taking freedom away from any human being would imply inequality.
Over the course of the last century, abortion in the Western hemisphere has become a largely controversial topic that affects every human being. In the United States, at current rates, one in three women will have had an abortion by the time they reach the age of 45. The questions surrounding the laws are of moral, social, and medical dilemmas that rely upon the most fundamental principles of ethics and philosophy. At the center of the argument is the not so clear cut lines dictating what life is, or is not, and where a fetus finds itself amongst its meaning. In an effort to answer the question, lawmakers are establishing public policies dictating what a woman may or may not do with regard to her reproductive rights.
... began, that people began to focus on demolishing the “traditional attitudes towards… reproductive rights” in order to attain better access to affordable birth control and safe abortion practices (Women’s Rights). For as long as poverty, sexual assault, and the lack of sex education are prevalent, abortion will remain a necessary procedure.