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What is the status of the chinese nuclear program
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The sole reason for Chinese nuclear force was to deter a nuclear attack on China. The development of U.S. missile defense systems, however, has compelled China to take an offensive reaction to this and began to advance its nuclear force. Now, there are two main reasons why a U.S. missile defense system would influenced China’s nuclear force modernization. First, a U.S. missile defense system undermines China’s nuclear minimum deterrence. Second, China continues to view the United States as its main potential enemy because of U.S. security relations in Asia, particularly Taiwan. For these reasons, Beijing’s nuclear modernization will be pursued at the same rate as Washington deploys missile defense systems to keep a viable deterrence.
China’s Minimum Deterrence
Traditionally, China’s nuclear deterrence has been defensive and limited. The former is reflected through China’s no-first use pledge and its complete retaliatory purpose. The later is reflected through China’s minimal deterrence doctrine, which means threatening with "the lowest level of damage necessary to prevent an attack, with the fewest number of nuclear weapons possible.” Admittedly, China’s top leaders, from Mao Zedong to Hu Jintao, have viewed nuclear weapons as tools to deter nuclear aggression or coercion. Mao depicted nuclear weapons as “paper tigers,” but he understood their ability to deter nuclear attacks against China and he was conscious of the danger posed by the American and then-Soviet nuclear monopoly.
Likewise, Deng Xiaoping stressed the deterrent role of nuclear weapons. Referring to their deterrent role, Deng told “officials from the Seventh Machine Industry (Aerospace), which was responsible for developing China’s ballistic missiles,” that a de...
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...d Annual Meeting, Orlando, Florida, July 15, 2012.
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Lampton, David M. The Three Faces of Chinese Power: Might, Money, and Minds. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008.
Payne, Keith B. Fallacies of Cold War Deterrence and a New Direction. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2001.
Shirk, Susan L. China: Fragile Superpower. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
Wortzel, Larry M. China’s Nuclear Forces: Operations, Training, Doctrine, Command, Control, and Campaign Planning. Carlisle: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2007.
Wu Riqiang. “Why China Should Be Concerned With U.S. Missile Defense.” The Center for International Strategy, (2012): 1-19.
The Cold War was a period of dark and melancholic times when the entire world lived in fear that the boiling pot may spill. The protectionist measures taken by Eisenhower kept the communists in check to suspend the progression of USSR’s radical ambitions and programs. From the suspenseful delirium from the Cold War, the United States often engaged in a dangerous policy of brinksmanship through the mid-1950s. Fortunately, these actions did not lead to a global nuclear disaster as both the US and USSR fully understood what the weapons of mass destruction were capable of.
Gittings, John. The Changing Face of China: From Mao to market. Oxford University Press, 2005.
Discussions of the causes of the Cold War are often divisive, creating disparate ideological camps that focus the blame in different directions depending on the academic’s political disposition. One popular argument places the blame largely on the American people, whose emphasis on “strength over compromise” and their deployment of the atomic bomb in the Second World War’s Pacific theatre apparently functioned as two key catalysts to the conflict between US and Soviet powers. This revisionist approach minimizes Stalin’s forceful approach and history of violent leadership throughout World War 2, and focuses instead on President Harry Truman’s apparent insensitivity to “reasonable Soviet security anxieties” in his quest to impose “American interests on the world.” Revisionist historians depict President Truman as a “Cold War monger,” whose unjustified political use of the atomic bomb and ornery diplomatic style forced Russia into the Cold War to oppose the spread of a looming capitalist democratic monopoly. In reality, Truman’s responsibility for the Cold War and the atomic bomb drop should be minimized.
Gaddis, John Lewis. “We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War History.” Taking Sides: Clashing Views On Controversial Issues in United States History. Ed. Larry Madaras and James M. SoRelle. 14th Edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2011. 302-308.
But every coin has two side, so does war. Some people think war will always around us because the country need develop. “The prominent University of Chicago political scientist John J. Mearsheimer, a self-declared “card-carrying realist,” sees great danger for the United States in China’s continued prosperity: “Can China rise peacefully? My answer is no. If China continues its impressive economic growth over the next few decades, the United States and China are likely to engage in an intense security competition with considerable potential for war” (2006, 160).” (James Payne, 2012) People around the world can see that China follow a peaceful way to develop fast both on military and economic. But there are still have some people believe it’s dangerous. I can understand what they are concern about, but every country wants to develop as well as the U.S., and the main goal is not to occupied or flaunt anything, the main aim is to make the ordinary people who live in the country have a better life. And the country develop their military is in order to protect their citizen, and make their citizen fell safety. There is a Chinese old saying “One shouldn 't have the heart to harm others, but must be vigilant so as not to be harmed.” We cannot have a bad idea for others, but we still need protect ourselves to avoid hurt. I think this view is the same as between
With this book, a major element of American history was analyzed. The Cold War is rampant with American foreign policy and influential in shaping the modern world. Strategies of Containment outlines American policy from the end of World War II until present day. Gaddis outlines the policies of presidents Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon, including policies influenced by others such as George Kennan, John Dulles, and Henry Kissinger. The author, John Lewis Gaddis has written many books on the Cold War and is an avid researcher in the field. Some of his other works include: The United States and the Origins of the Cold War, 1941-1947, The Long Peace: Inquiries into the History of the Cold War, We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War History, The Landscape of History: How Historians Map the Past, Surprise, Security, and the American Experience, and The Cold War: A New History. Dr. Gaddis received his PhD from the University of Texas in 1968; he currently is on a leave of absence, but he is a professor at Yale . At the University, his focus is Cold War history. Gaddis is one of the few men who have actually done a complete biography of George Kennan, and Gaddis even won a Pulitzer Prize in 2012.
方玥雯[Fang Yue Wen] (2009). 北韓核武研發與東北亞安全:2002-2007. [The North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons and the Security in Northeast Asia: 2002-2007] in台灣[Taiwan]: 國立政治大學[National Cheungchi University] Retrieved 18 July, 2013 from http://nccuir.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/37029
Evaluating threats to America’s national security is a challenge that is undertaken by academics, intelligence analysts, policy-makers, and anyone else with the patience. During the Cold War, America’s biggest concern was easy to define, the only other state capable of competing with America, the Soviet Union. Today, America faces threats from states, non-state actors, domestic groups, and even economic conditions. However, two states should always be kept in mind when discussing national security, China and Russia, with China being the biggest threat.
Since the end of the Korean War, the United States has enacted policies to isolate and undermine the Kim Dynasty in North Korea. A key development took place in the past several decades where North Korea broke away from the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) to develop their own nuclear weapons and while lacking launch capabilities, they have been successful in their development. During this process, the United States took active policies to deter the North Koreans in pursuit of their goals. It is easy to assume that the United States took this stance in order to maintain a military edge in the region. But under closer examination, this neo-realist perspective does not explain why the United States pursued this policy.
China's nuclear weapons program has always been unique among the programs of the five official nuclear weapons states recognized by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. For a variety of economic, political, and cultural reasons, the Chinese program has had a very different trajectory of development, with different objectives, than those of the other major powers' nuclear weapons and missile programs.
Since its origin in 1948, North Korea has been isolated and heavily armed, with hostile relations with South Korea and Western countries. It has developed a capability to produce short- and medium-range missiles, chemical weapons, and possibly biological and nuclear weapons. In December 2002, Pyongyang lifted the freeze on its plutonium-based nuclear weapons program and expelled IAEA inspectors who had been monitoring the freeze under the Agreed Framework of October 1994. As the Bush administration was arguing its case at the United Nations for disarming Iraq, the world has been hit with alarming news of a more menacing threat: North Korea has an advanced nuclear weapons program that, U.S. officials believe, has already produced one or two nuclear bombs. As the most recent standoff with North Korea over nuclear missile-testing approaches the decompression point, the United States needs to own up to a central truth: The region of Northeast Asia will never be fully secure until the communist dictatorship of North Korea passes from the scene. After threatening to test a new, long-range missile, Pyongyang says it is willing to negotiate with "the hostile nations" opposing it. But whether the North will actually forgo its test launch is anyone's guess. North Korea first became embroiled with nuclear politics during the Korean War. Although nuclear weapons were never used in Korea, American political leaders and military commanders threatened to use nuclear weapons to end the Korean War on terms favorable to the United States. In 1958, the United States deployed nuclear weapons to South Korea for the first time, and the weapons remained there until President George Bush ordered their withdrawal in 1991. North Korean government stateme...
Steve Forbes believes the next President must begin a major rebuilding of our military. Our armed forced are now hollowed out. The United States military personnel are not being adequately paid. As President, Forbes will pay American military personnel a competitive wage and reduce the time they are away from their families. We must also use the United States high-tech advantage to deploy a state-of-the-art ballistic missile defense system. Communist China has missiles that can now reach California and North Korea will soon have missiles that can reach Hawaii and Alaska. Iran is rapidly developing both nuclear weapons and the means to deliver those weapons by missile. United States officials confirmed they are monitoring Chinese construction of a missile launching facility near Taiwan. The U.S. said it has made clear to the Chinese government our concerns regarding Chinese missile development and its influence on the situation between them and Taiwan. China considers Taiwan a renegade province and has threatened to invade if the island regime declares independence. This new missile facility reportedly would be capable of handling 100 of China’s newest missiles, which are capable of carrying nuclear warheads.(USA Today Wed. 11/25/99) The United States...
Yuan, Jing- Dong, “Sino-US Military Relations Since Tiananmen: Restoration, Progress, and Pitfalls”, Spring 2003, http://strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pubs/parameters/articles/03spring/yuan.pdf
Fedman, David. "Rethinking Asia: “Smart Power” and US-China Policy." The Olive & Arrow. The Word Press, 8 Mar. 2009. Web. 18 Nov. 2011. .
Scott D. Sagan, the author of chapter two of “More Will Be Worse”, looks back on the deep political hostilities, numerous crises, and a prolonged arms race in of the cold war, and questions “Why should we expect that the experience of future nuclear powers will be any different?” The author talks about counter arguments among scholars on the subject that the world is better off without nuclear weapons. In this chapter a scholar named Kenneth Waltz argues that “The further spread of nuclear weapons may well be a stabilizing factor in international relations.” He believes that the spread of nuclear weapons will have a positive implications in which the likely-hood of war decreases and deterrent and defensive capabilities increase. Although there