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Marxist conflict theory
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In the first half of his essay “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses”, Althusser says that, “the resistances of the exploited classes is able to find means and occasions to express itself there” (99), by which he means in the Ideological State Apparatuses. In the second half of the essay, Althusser argues there are places that can be found in the ISA that allow expression of the exploited class, but this expression is an illusion as they can only express themselves in terms of being subjects. Althusser separates the State Apparatus into two sections, one being the Repressive State Apparatus (RSA) and the other being the Ideological State Apparatus (ISA). The RSA encompasses things like the military, police and government, whereas the ISA contains things like education, religion and family. The RSA is fundamentally different from the ISAs for two reasons, the first being that the RSA is strictly in the public domain whereas the ISAs can exist in both the public and private domain. The second difference is that, “the Repressive State Apparatus functions ‘by violence’, whereas the Ideological State Apparatus functions ‘by ideology’”(97). Althusser qualifies this statement by saying that the RSA truly functions by both violence as well as ideology since no apparatus can function by one alone. Therefore, conversely, the ISAs function primarily by ideology and secondarily by violence, although most of this violence is usually internal to the apparatus. Althusser ends his discussion of the distinction between the RSA and ISA by saying that, “the Ideological State Apparatuses may be not only the stake, but also the site of class struggle, and often of bitter forms of class struggle” (99). By this, Althusser means that it is inherently difficult to take the ISA’s from the “formal” ruling class since they can retain their roles for a longer period of time than being thrown out of power in the RSA. This also leads us back to the question at hand; how do the resistances of the exploited classes find means and occasions to express themselves in the ISAs? The occasions for expression come from ideology. For Althusser, ideology is, “conceived as a pure illusion, a pure dream, i.e. as nothingness. All its reality is external to it” (108). Althusser differs from Marx on who controls this reality. Marx argues that this illusion is controlled by those who are in power and is used to control those who are not in power.
As Rand refutes a principal concept of socialism, she illustrates multiple counts of insubordination and social class structures. Socialism’s attempt to remove class structure fails miserably. The most prominent demonstration of rebellion rises from Equality 7-2521 and his emotions and desire for knowledge. After being denied by the Council of Scholars, Equality 7-2521 rashly breaks a window and flees “in a ringing rain of glass” (Rand 75). Equality 7-2521’s actions illustrate the ‘working class’ rebelling against the ‘elitists’ though this society attempted to eliminate social structures. Furthermore, Equality 7-2521 was not alone in rebelling against ‘the brotherhood’, Liberty 5-3000 followed his example. Unsatisfied with her life and the suppression of emotion, she followed Equality 7-2521’s example and “on the night of the day when we heard it, we ran away from the Home of Peasants” (Rand 82). The rebellion of the two members reflects the means of a social rev...
and Altemeyer’s approaches to authoritarianism share many similarities, such as the more descriptive approach to their work than explanatory route, where neither clearly identify the source of authoritarianism. (Jones, 2002. Cited in The Open University, 2015, p50)
"Oppression can only survive through silence" said Carmen de Monteflores and history proved this concept most thoroughly. However, the oppressed groups are generally not silent at all. They revolt, get violent, and are repressed again. This is not a rule, just a simple generalization and, of course, there are numerous exceptions. There is always a possibility that these downtrodden factions will get together to form a strong opposing force that will be an equal or almost equal rival to those that oppress. The coercion of the working class continued throughout the eighteenth century. Horrible working conditions, poverty, and hunger were blooming in the world of the industrial proletariat. The fruitless revolts did not change the situation and just when it seemed like the treatment of the waged people could not get any worse, the resolution appeared in all its glory. This historical period (1860-1914) could be best described using the Hegelian philosophy. The constant oppression of the working class will serve as thesis. The antithesis would come with the unification of the proletariats, forming the trading unions. The role of synthesis is given to the emergence of political democracy and mass political parties.
The concept of ideology dates back to the time of the early Marxists who were seeking answers for the lack of a working class revolt against the exploitative Capitalist social system (Open Polytechnic, 2014; Barker, 2009b). They believed that people were taught to hold beliefs that lead to a false understanding of the social world and so reinforced the world-views of the powerful and the status quo of society as being both natural and inviolate (Open Polytechnic, 2014; Barker, 2009b). This teaching is carried out in the home, through the church, education system and mass media (Barker, 2009b). The emphasis on ideology as a means for reinforcing a group/s position of dominance has led some scholars to reject the concept as outdated in today's society as there is no longer a coherent dominant culture (Barker, 2009b). Others have taken the power aspect out of it and focus on it as people’s "principled idealised beliefs about the world and associat...
Both Louis Althusser and Kenneth Paul Tan suggest that ideology might mislead people to a state of false consciousness. The former explain that this phenomenon is unconscious, whereas the latter suggest that it is imposed on the people. Althusser’s argument is that this state of false consciousness can be termed as the imaginary. We are born and stuck in this imaginary as an ‘always already subject’ (Ferretter, 2006) of what we want and desire. This happens even before we are born so that we can be ‘appointed as a subject in and by the specific familial ideological configuration in which it is expected’ (Brewster, 2001). On the other hand, Tan would disagree with Althusser’s theory that ‘we misrepresent the world in ideology because we want
Le Guin suggests the need for permanent revolution to counter such threats as an incipient bureaucracy and a tendency toward dominance games. Marx used the term “permanent revolution” to describe the strategy of a revolutionary class to continue to pursue its class interests independently and without compromise, despite overtures for political alliances and the political dominance of opposing sections of society. In Can the Subaltern Speak? Spivak explores contemporary relations of power and Western intellectual discourse through representation and the political economy of global capitalism. In place of Earth's global capitalism I will be exploring Urras and Annares' relationship with themselves and each other. Urras and Anarres each view themselves as establishers of the good society.
Under this course of dialogue, Marx’s work is seen as speculations and possible reasons for certain patterns seen over history, but it concretes the idea of these patterns in such a way that they are finite and do not lend themselves to change or modification.
To Marx, history d... ... middle of paper ... ... 67 Jon Elster, Making sense of Marx, Cambridge University press 1985 C.Slaughter, Marxism and the class struggle, New Park Publications LTD 1975 Tony Bilton, Kevin Bonnett, Pip Jones etc.. Introductory Sociology 4th edition, Palgrave Macmillan 2002 Gregor McLennan, The Story of Sociology Ken Morrison, Marx Durkheim Weber, Sage publications LTD 1995 Fulcher&Scott, Sociology 2nd edition, Oxford university press 2003 --------------------------------------------------------------------- [1] German Ideology, pp.8-13 [2] Karl Marx: Selected Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy, p.150, Pelican books 1963 [3] ibid, p107 [4] Karl Marx: Selected Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy, p.177, Pelican books 1963 [5] Essential writings of Karl Marx; p176; Panther Books Ltd ,1967
The bourgeoisie “has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society” (Marx and Engels, 1848). The bourgeoisie or capitalists are those who purchase and often exploit labour power in order to maximise their surplus value. The b...
When one looks at Marx criticism of the modern state; it can be said that Marxism views the state as an apparatus of
The wealth, power, and prestige of the bourgeoisie, acquired mostly from their control of institutions, industries, and means of production, enabled them to force upon the proletariat their economic, political, and religious ideologies. These are the same ideologies "used to maintain certain social relations" (Eagleton 466). These very ideologies are what "make the masses loyal to the very institutions that are the source of their exploitation" (Tischler 16). Once the proletariat ceases to believe in or abide by those ideologies, revolt is inevitable, and the moment it occurs, so does the destruction or alteration of a single controlling and tyrannical power altogether. Thus, it can be said that "the bourgeoisie reign is doomed when economic conditions are ripe and when a working class united by solidarity, aware of its common interests and energized by an appropriate system of ideas, confronts its disunited antagonists" (Rideneir).
...iks and the Petty Bourgeoisie." Lenin Collected Works. Vol. 12. Moscow: Foreign Languages House, 1962. 179-83. Marxist Internet Archive. Web. 15 Apr. 2014.
Throughout the three books which compose the series it is easy to see examples of class struggle, ruling class ideologies, and revolution. I intend to focus on these
“The general political importance of subaltern studies is in the production of knowledge to quote Marxian phrase ‘educating for educator’…the subalternist of production of knowledge was to undermine the monopoly credit rating of the progressive bourgeois and rethink the political so that subaltern insurgency is not seen as invariably pre- political….. ” (p.231)
As a matter of fact, his teachings can definitely be applied to today’s society. This paper will give a summary of Marx’s political philosophy. It will also discuss a contemporary issue: the current economic crisis— and how Marx believed racism played a crucial role in it. Finally, through the lens he has developed, I will explain how Marx would analyze this issue and how one can argue that it spurred the current movement known as Occupy Wall Street. Karl Marx was a German philosopher and political theorist.