The results from the dispute over the South Central Farm in south central, Los Angeles, can be seen as repercussions of what Laura Pulido labels in her academic journal as ‘environmental racism’ in the United States. Environmental racism is seen through closer examination by team leader in regards to, history, policy and additional sources, the South Central Farm dispute in comparison to Pulido’s definition of environmental racism, the role that this racism played can be seen in the history, policies, and the remaining community surrounding South Central Farm. In other words, while actual dissolution was not an act of environmental racism, the long-term, and ultimately indirect effects of preexisting environmental racism are to blame.
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In an effort to better understand the various roles that environmental racism partook in in the eventual closing of South Central Farm, a comprehension of what environmental racism entails is needed. In her essay entitled, Rethinking Environmental Racism: White Privilege and Urban Development in Southern California, author Laura Pulido defines environmental racism as an “idea that nonwhites are disproportionately exposed to pollution”. Pulido argues her concern that as a result of a rather narrow mindset on behalf of both policy makers and the general public in the United States, towards the subject of racism, many minorities have fallen victim to environmental racism. This has not resulted from specific desire to cause harm on behalf of those with political influence or who are white, but rather this racism has occurred due to what she labels, ‘white privilege’. This privilege is something that comes from mostly unconscious acts that are made in an effort to preserve white dominance in society. For the most part, these acts are not made with the conscious goal of being racist. Regardless of the motive however, white privilege has allowed for society to be based around benefiting the white population. All who fall outside of this population are, in the end, going to be affected by the …show more content…
The location of South Central Farm is in a prime area of Los Angeles known for its low-income population and criminal activity. As a result of ‘white privilege’ South Central Farm’s working force consisted primarily of Latino immigrants and very low-income families. Without the initial reasons that allowed for environmental racism to create its residential boundaries within Los Angeles, the same people would not have been involved in the creation, and fate of South Central
The tone of Whitewashed Adobe delivers an ethnic and cultural history of Los Angeles. The author, William Deverell, indicates “Los Angeles has been the city of the future for a long time.” The book takes a revealing and harsh look at prejudice, political power and control in the early vision of 19th century Los Angeles and its surrounding communities. Deverell’s main interest is the economically, culturally and politically powerful Anglos and their view of ethnicity and race that enabled them to distance themselves from the Mexican people. Whitewashed Adobe’s six chapters illuminate how these men “appropriated, absorbed, and occasionally obliterated” Mexican sites and history in going forth with their vision for Los Angeles.
On his 2000 studio album, "American III," Johnny Cash sang in a resigned voice, "I got a crib full of corn, and a turnin' plow/ But the ground's to wet for the hopper now/ Got a cultivator and a double tree/ A leather line for the hull and gee/ Let the thunder roll and the lighting flash/ I'm doing alright for Country Trash."* Raised on a cotton farm in Dyess, Arkansas, Cash articulated a racialized class divide not simply among whites and African Americans, but among whites, themselves. Cash belonged to a growing class of impoverished white farmers increasingly referred to by his contemporaries as "white trash," and recast by historian Neil Foley as "The White Scourge." In his book of the same title, Foley analyzes the impact of class and race consciousness on white tenants and sharecroppers in central Texas as they competed for farm labor with both African Americans and Mexicans from 1820 to 1940. Foley asserts, "The emergence of a rural class of 'white trash' made whites conscious of themselves as a racial group and fearful that if they fell to the bottom, they would lose the racial privileges that came with being accepted for what they were not-black, Mexican, or foreign born."(7)** "The white scourge", the masses of impoverished whites held in limbo between privilege and denial, Foley asserts, is what informs race relations today. The heart of Foley's argument rests on an analysis of the intersection of race and economics or class. Indeed the two are joined at the hip, race being created and sustained out of competition for labor.
Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta. "Civil Rights and Civil Wrongs: Racism in America Today."International Socialist Review Online November-December.32 (2003): n. pag.ISReview.org. International Socialist Organization. Web. 07 Dec. 2013. .
Years ago, there was once a small town called Chaves Ravine within Los Angeles, California and this town was a poor rural community that was always full of life. Two hundred families, mostly Chicano families, were living here quite peacefully until the Housing Act of 1949 was passed. The Federal Housing Act of 1949 granted money to cities from the federal government to build public housing projects for the low income. Los Angeles was one of the first cities to receive the funds for project. Unfortunately, Chavez Ravine was one of the sites chosen for the housing project, so, to prepare for the construction work of the low-income apartments, the Housing Authority of Los Angeles had to convince the people of the ravine to leave, or forcibly oust them from their property. Since Chavez Ravine was to be used for public use, the Housing Authority of Los Angeles was able seize and buy Chavez Ravine from the property owners and evict whoever stayed behind with the help of Eminent Domain. The LA Housing Authority had told the inhabitants that low-income housing was to be built on the land, but, because of a sequence of events, the public housing project was never built there and instead Dodgers Stadium was built on Chavez Ravine. Although Chavez Ravine public housing project was the result of the goodwill and intent of the government, rather than helping the people Chavez Ravine with their promise of low-income housing, the project ended up destroying many of their lives because of those in opposition of the public housing project and government mismanagement.
Los Angeles is a place with a dynamic history. It has grown to be one of the most diverse cities in the world as a whole. Despite the diversity for which it is known for, the city has always had a striving conflict due to racial and class tension. The social stratification of its past continues to take its toll as dividing lines persist in contemporary Los Angeles. Furthermore, these dividing lines redefine place in Los Angeles, whether geographically or personally, to be subject to race and class. Fluidity has become evident recently however it is more common for the identity of people to be fixed in society. Through the novel Southland, by Nina Revoyr, and various means of academic sources, one is further able to explore the subject of race, place, and reinvention in Los Angeles.
There are currently 150 million Afro-descendants in Latin America who make up nearly 30 percent of the region’s population (Congressional Research Service, 2005). Out of the fifteen Latin American nations that have recently adapted some sort of multicultural reform, only three give recognize Afro-Latino communities and give them the same rights as indigenous groups (Hooker, 2005). Indigenous groups are more successful than afro-descendent groups in gaining collective rights and development aid from international NGO’s. Collective rights important because are closely related to land rights and can become a tool to fight descrimination .I will attempt to uncover the causes for the discrepancy. This study relies heavily on ethnographic research on post-colonial ideas of race in Latin America and I will attempt to connect race and power structures in environmental decision-making by interviews with national decision-makers, NGO representatives and both black and indigenous communities .
Colonialism, Genocide, and Slavery have haunted the United States for ions as a result of its decision making and power exuded over others. Something that all of these can be related to is racism. Some believe that racism does not exist today and some believe that it is not the same racism of old as in the 1940’s and 50’s. In the film “Do the Right Thing” producer and actor Spike Lee conveys racism, prejudice and discrimination a pseudo neighborhood in Brooklyn, New York in the late 1980’s. Among the many other sociological concepts and theories that are heavily used throughout the film, social stratification and claimsmaking can help one understand the many stages that the neighborhood goes through within the film.
...ble environmental concerns, no matter the cost while meeting them where they are. Dr. Farmer’s story states that helping the suffering poor is possible. This gentle, humble, and peaceful man has fought the courageous battle against man’s opinion of the oppressed and excitedly, he has won.
In The Slums of Aspen, authors Lisa Sun-Hee Park and David Nagiuib Pellow examine the two distinct lifestyles that exist in Aspen, CO. These are the wealthy privileged community and the low-income workers, particularly Latino immigrants, that allow it to be “heaven on earth” (Park and Pellow, 2011). Park and Pellow contend that while the Aspen elite represent themselves as environmentally conscious, they continue to make decisions that counter that claim. This environmental privilege is due to a misguided logic that creates a disconnection between the way of life in a place like Aspen and the environmental and social issues that make it achievable.
The south was the picture of excess in pre-war times, and although after the war this changed, old ideas and prejudices died slowly. When the construction company came to the town with "niggers and mules and machinery," those old views were evident. (83) The treatment of the blacks in the south remained a vestige of that decadence for years to come, as evidenced by the need for the civil rights movement. This corruption illustrates the townspeople's willingness to look the ...
The writer, Catherine E. Shoichet included an interview with a lady named Debora Aust about her opinion on the growth of racism over the years. She said, “It always seemed like it was getting better, like our generation was going to be better than previous generations” (Shoichet, Catherine E). The reader agrees with Aust the community tends to bring others down instead of giving words of encouragement. It leaves the reader in disappointment constantly hearing stories of individuals being killed by the
After reading the article Cancer Alley, and watched the respective videos. I do believe that if there is environmental racism. In fact increasingly it is the poor who struggle against environmental racism. Today there are many conflicts that have more to do with money and ambition to make more money regardless of who are hurting. I think that the conflicts in the world increase because the powerless are facing large companies exploiting the resources, in addition to garbage dumps or toxic waste are built where people are humble, not where the rich and powerful live. Just as in the article Cancer Alley says that almost all its people are suffering from cancer or any relatives or acquaintances are dying of cancer. This article also says, "Louisiana
Many Americans take pride in their country’s values: democracy, freedom, equality, and opportunity. One of the ironies of the American vision is that within such a seemingly equal and fair country, there are still several hateful concepts, such as racism, that are deeply rooted in everyday American life. One such example of racial tensions in the United States is displayed in the homeless community of Edgewater Boulevard, San Francisco. In Righteous Dopefiend, Bourgois and Schonberg describe the atmosphere of the Edgewater community and their observations of the racial tensions that exist within it during their time spent there. Although Edgewater is only a small fraction of the United States, the behavior, actions and opinions of its residents
One of the most devastating natural disasters to this date is undoubtedly Hurricane Katrina. Destroying the populated city of New Orleans, the city was left in a state of chaos, where thousands lost their homes, jobs, and loved ones. In addition, this demoralizing event that took place not only caused physical desolation, but emotional anguish as well. When the city tried effortlessly to recuperate, the standard of environmental racism had ascended. Environmental racism is a form of discrimination against minority groups and people from poor countries who are subjected to disproportionate share of environmental hazards and polluting industries (Ravelli & Webber, 2013). Comparing this to the situation in New Orleans, citizens were threatened by discrimination and the dangers of residing in areas that are threatened by natural disasters. Consequent to Bullard’s notion of environmental justice partakes in the way New Orleans decided to restructure itself. As stated, “the guarantee of the right to environmental protection, preventing harm before it occurs, shifting the burden of proof to polluters as well as redressing existing inequities” (Ravelli & Webber, 2013). With this, New Orleans could have executed this theory to counteract catastrophe before it even occurred. Due
After two decades of fighting to draw attention to the glaring inequalities prevalent in the placement of toxic waste sites and environmental health hazards, the environmental justice movement finally gained governmental recognition. A 1968 study conducted by Reverend Martin Luther King directed attention to the egregious environmental racism prevalent in America (“Environmental Justice”). After decades of protests by civil rights activists, the United States General Accounting office inspected environmental racism claims in 1983, using data from the 1980 census, and finding that,