Wait a second!
More handpicked essays just for you.
More handpicked essays just for you.
Factors that influence the balance of power in a conflict situation
Why do states go into warfare
Don’t take our word for it - see why 10 million students trust us with their essay needs.
Question: Why do states go to war? School 1: States that want to achieve more power, use war as the means to gain more power or maintain power in Anarchical world. Evera, S. V. (1998). Offense, Defense, and the Causes of War. International Security, 4(22), 5-43. Retrieved from http://www.stanford.edu/class/polisci211z/2.1/Van%20Evera%20IS%201998.pdf According Evera, a state is more likely to engage in war if they will have the upper hand between the states if they engage in warfare. ( Evera 5) There are several reasons why a state would consider going to war according to Evera, they look at the decision making of the state. The state will go to war if they are able to gain the upper advantage in a war. According to Evera Offensive and Defensive balance have their own advantages when they are used in the right situation. ( Evera p16-18) If a shift between offense and defense balance has occurred between the states, than there is a high risk of war according to Evera. ( Evera p6). The problem that might be overlooked is realism in this case only looks the state as a unitary actor. It’s hard to see the state as a whole to determine what a state is thinking when it goes to war, because it doesn’t look at the different levels of analysis within the government. It only sees the state in wanting a few things only which is power and security. Realism is the main idea behind the article, because it views the state as a rational actor and it looked at states only looking to engage in war and the reasoning why they do go to war. Glaser , C. L. (1997). The Security Dilemma Revisited. Cambridge University press, 50(1), 171-201. Retrieved from http://www.gwu.edu/~iscs/assets/docs/cg-docs/SecurityDilemma-WP-1997.pdf Glasser sees a dist... ... middle of paper ... ...h going to war. Leaders have do not look at the costs of going to war. They tend to look at the risk of war, and try to find some benefit of going to war. (Fearon 379-380). Fearon makes emphasized that leaders could bargain and avoid war overall, but leaders tend to overlook the cost of the lives of the people at war. (Fearon 381). Fearon argues that bluffing for leaders helps a state hide their weakness and show their strength in front of different states. ( Fearon 397). Rational choice is clearly the way Fearon went in the article, because he showed how leaders would make choices that would decide on if their state went to war or not over several factors. The one thing that rational actors always assume, but cannot prove is trying to show that all actors are rational thinkers. Leaders going to war might not think rationally when deciding to settle or go to war .
Tzu, Mo. Against Offensive Warfare. Ed. Michael Austin. Reading the World: Ideas that Matter. 2nd ed. New York: Norton, 2010. 254-255. Print.
Reisman, W. Michael, "War Powers: The Operational Code of Competence" (1989). Faculty Scholarship Series. Paper 742.
The purpose of this essay is to inform on the similarities and differences between systemic and domestic causes of war. According to World Politics by Jeffry Frieden, David Lake, and Kenneth Schultz, systemic causes deal with states that are unitary actors and their interactions with one another. It can deal with a state’s position within international organizations and also their relationships with other states. In contract, domestic causes of war pertain specifically to what goes on internally and factors within a state that may lead to war. Wars that occur between two or more states due to systemic and domestic causes are referred to as interstate wars.
Williams, Charles F. "War Powers: A New Chapter in a Continuing Debate." Social Education. April 2003: 128-133. SIRS Issues Researcher. Web. 07 May. 2014.
The theory of revolutionary state formation serves as an explanation for international conflict and the outbreak of war in the Middle East. The way in which a new state or an old state comes into being or changing the kind of regime matters in terms of the domestic and international implications for the nation. Evolutionary state formation, the opposite of revolutionary, explains how the gradual transference of power from a colonial power to the newly established government means that the likelihood of war and conflict with neighboring states will be greatly reduced in comparison to revolutionary state formation.
Whitman, M., & Mattord, H. (2010). Management of information security. (3rd ed., p. 6). Boston, MA: Cengage Learning.
Stephen Van Evera wrote the article the Cult of the Offensive and the Origins of the First World War. In this article He makes the claim that as countries in the timeline leading up to World War believes attacking and conquest is easy, they become more likely to carry out an attack, thus increasing the likelihood of war. He discusses this in three chronological sections, and dives deep into the reasoning of each country’s leadership in each section, then he applies this previous mode of thought to the current political climate in America (current in 1984). Evera is a very smart man, he attended Harvard and then the University of California Berkeley. He currently teaches at MIT in Massachusetts. All of Evera’s work centers around the circumstances
Current military leadership should comprehend the nature of war in which they are engaged within a given political frame in order to develop plans that are coherent with the desired political end state. According to Clausewitz, war is an act of politics that forces an enemy to comply with certain conditions or to destroy him through the use of violence. A nation determines its vital interests, which drives national strategy to obtain or protect those interests. A country achieves those goals though the execution of one of the four elements of power, which are diplomatic, informational, military and economical means. The use of military force...
middle of paper ... ... Unfortunately, this idea of a zero sum military power game does not match up with reality. Each state takes actions based on the given situation and neo-realism misses this nuance. Constructivism actually considers this more by analyzing the actors at play and their identities and interests.
By the end of the Cold War the literature focusing on strategic studies has highlighted transformational changes within international system that affected and altered the very nature of war. As a result many security studies scholars have renounced traditional theories of strategic thought. Clausewitzian theory, in particular, has taken a lot of criticism, regarding its relevance to modern warfare. (Gray, How Has War Changed Since the End of the Cold War?, 2005)
He extends Robert Jervis’s argument that offense-defense balance and distinguishably causes war. Jervis argues that technology and geography alter the balance between a military’s offensive and defensive capabilities. If a state has a more offensive than defensive posture, then it can be a sign that it is an aggressor. If there is no geography that aids a state in defense, then it is likely to take land as a buffer to protect itself. Offense-defense balance is a cause of the security dilemma because it is difficult for a state to determine the intentions and balance of another state. For example, a state has an incentive to keep military technologies a secret. Any state analyzing another state’s capabilities will then misinterpret its offense-defense balance. It is also hard for states to distinguish between a technology’s offensive or defensive use. A fort is easy to interpret as defensive, but a machine gun can be either used as an offensive or defensive weapon (Jervis 1978). Van Evera argues that military beliefs lead to heavy offensive weighted balances which cause the security dilemma. Great Powers believed in the superiority of offensive military strategies. This belief stemmed from past wars according to Van Evera. These doctrines held that offensive swift blows were the key to military victories. Van Evera concludes that if a state’s
Realist theory believes that one states military improvements are undistinguishable as offensive or defensive, and are seen as threats to another state. This, in turn, requires the opposing state to improve its military to ensure its own self interest. Posen argues that when an empire falls, there will be a power struggle between competing groups, within a state, as a result of the anarchy left by the failing empire. It is argued by Posen that the competing groups variations in the history of their group and whatever military power they may have will threaten other groups, creating a security dilemma, which results in ethnic conflict.
People’s ideas and assumptions about world politics shape and construct the theories that help explain world conflicts and events. These assumptions can be classified into various known theoretical perspectives; the most dominant is political realism. Political realism is the most common theoretical approach when it is in means of foreign policy and international issues. It is known as “realpolitik” and emphasis that the most important actor in global politics is the state, which pursues self-interests, security, and growing power (Ray and Kaarbo 3). Realists generally suggest that interstate cooperation is severely limited by each state’s need to guarantee its own security in a global condition of anarchy. Political realist view international politics as a struggle for power dominated by organized violence, “All history shows that nations active in international politics are continuously preparing for, actively involved in, or recovering from organized violence in the form of war” (Kegley 94). The downside of the political realist perspective is that their emphasis on power and self-interest is their skepticism regarding the relevance of ethical norms to relations among states.
Tilly, C. (1985). War Making and State Making as Organized Crime. In: P.B Evans, D. Rueschemeyer & T. Skocpol Bringing the state back in. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 171.
1. Anarchy is a condition in which there is a lack of a dominant power that enforces laws and sets policies at a national or international level. It directly challenges the rules of sovereignty, the expectation that the states have higher legal and political influence within their borders. Anarchy is an important term because it tends to cause disastrous effects in global politics. It is the essential element in realism, the idea that war is an inevitable result of the absence of a central authority. It outlines two principles that can lead to war: the preventive motive (war to cease the enemy from growing more powerful) and security dilemma (a rise of insecurity and fear that occurs from a state gaining more strength to defend itself).