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Ancient Greece and gender roles
Gender role in ancient greece
Gender relationships in ancient greece
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In “Aeschines: Against Timarchus” Aeschines, using only indirect language, convincingly argues that Timarchus, being a citizen male who is active in public political life, has committed hubris acts upon himself through his sexual promiscuity with various men. In ancient Greek society, to talk candidly about male same sex acts was considered indecorous, and it would offend the members of the court if Aeschines spoke explicitly. For this reason, the language Aeschines uses when describing the sexual acts committed by Timarchus is at once discrete and poignant. While avoiding transparency in his descriptions, Aeschines nonetheless leads the jury to a resolute conclusion regarding the exact nature of Timarchus’ past sexual experiences with men. …show more content…
This achievement is done through a number of linguistic methods, the most comprehensive technique being Aeschines’ use of active and passive language when describing Timarchus’ sexual acts.
Aeschines undercuts Timarchus’ credibility by carefully wording the nature of Timarchus’ alleged shameful past, insinuating that Timarchus is the passive, receiving partner in his sexual ventures with Misgolas and other men (41). The unnameable sins that Misgolas actively “wanted to do” (41) to Timarchus, Timarchus passively wanted to “have done” to him (41). This attack on the character of Timarchus serves to effeminate him in the eyes of the jury, for to be “a creature with the body of a man defiled with the sins of a woman” (185) is a shameful disposition for a politically active male. This use of the active and passive verb tense in Aeschines’ speech successfully laid the foundation for the jury to begin to question the masculinity of
Timarchus. Adding on to that foundation, through the use of comparative language Aeschines successfully debases the status of Timarchus to that of a woman’s. When presenting his case against Timarchus, Aeschines references an instance in court where Timarchus was jokingly called a woman by a fellow polis member (110-111). By implying that Timarchus is like a woman, Aeschines is able to indicate the nature of the sexual acts that Timarchus has committed, or more accurately, has submitted to. Despite the obvious fact that Timarchus does not have a vagina, it is colloquially understood that any bodily orifice that is a receptor for a penis can be seen as a vagina. Through anal penetration, Aeschines argues that Timarchus has lowered himself to be of the same worthlessness as a woman. By referencing this past instance, Aeschines is able to convincingly allude to the exact nature of Timarchus’ sexual past without having to actually describe it. Having successfully undermined the character of Timarchus, Aeschines convincingly argues through the use of sophistic rhetoric that Timarchus does not just enjoy the company of men, but was a pornos, making him unfit for life in the polis. Despite having no evidence of this fact, Aeschines is able to so decisively argue his point through his use of language, persuading the jury by appealing to their desire for justice. That when discussing such hubris acts one does not need evidence, as it is common knowledge what acts a pornos does, even though it is not seen; “[do not] ask whether anyone saw, but whether he has done the deed. [...] “knowing the profession of the man, you know his act also” (74-75). The language one would use to describe the sexual acts allegedly done to/by Timarchus is already frowned upon in the Athenian courts. Aeschines uses this fact to his advantage, suggesting through his own use of language that the sexual acts committed by Timarchus are so shameful that they cannot even be described. By refusing to name Timarchus’ sexual acts it gives those acts a power that would otherwise have been difficult to create. When an act becomes commonplace it is no longer as intimidating, but when an act remains shrouded in mystery and contempt through a lack of communication it becomes something to be feared.
In this essay I will examine the war-of the-sexes taking place in The Eumenides, the final play of The Oresteia. The plot of The Eumenides pits Orestes and Apollo (representing the male gods and, to a certain extent, male values in general) against the ghost of Clytemnestra and the Furies (equally representative of female values.) Of more vital importance, however, is whether Athene sides with the males or females throughout the play.
For many centuries, the art of deception has been a powerful tool for achieving goals, and it has spawned the ancient debate of the ends justifying the means. In the tragedy Philoctetes by Sophocles and in Hesiod's Theogony, there are many instances of deception, particularly on the part of men in the texts. For each of them, the deceit is justified as a means of building and maintaining a reputation or obtaining power. Ultimately, however, the use of deception results in putting the men in positions of further vulnerability.
At first glance, the picture of justice found in the Oresteia appears very different from that found in Heraclitus. And indeed, at the surface level there are a number of things which are distinctly un-Heraclitean. However, I believe that a close reading reveals more similarities than differences; and that there is a deep undercurrent of the Heraclitean world view running throughout the trilogy. In order to demonstrate this, I will first describe those ways in which the views of justice in Aeschylus' Oresteia and in Heraclitus appear dissimilar. Then I will examine how these dissimilarities are problematized by other information in the Oresteia; information which expresses views of justice very akin to Heraclitus. Of course, how similar or dissimilar they are will depend not only on one's reading of the Oresteia, but also on how one interprets Heraclitus. Therefore, when I identify a way in which justice in the Oresteia seems different from that in Heraclitus, I will also identify the interpretation of Heraclitus with which I am contrasting it. Defending my interpretation of Heraclitean justice as such is beyond the scope of this essay. However I will always refer to the particular fragments on which I am basing my interpretation, and I think that the views I will attribute to him are fairly non-controversial. It will be my contention that, after a thorough examination of both the apparent discrepancies and the similarities, the nature of justice portrayed in the Oresteia will appear more deeply Heraclitean than otherwise. I will not argue, however, that there are therefore no differences at all between Aeschylus and Heraclitus on the issue of justice. Clearly there are some real ones and I will point out any differences which I feel remain despite the many deep similarities.
When a person is accused of a crime they are either found innocent or guilty. This is the basic idea of justice and it is what many feel needs to happen if someone has done something controversial. In the play The Oresteia by Aeschylus, the story of Clytemnestra guilt or innocents is questioned. She does many things that people are not too happy with and those controversial actions throughout the story, mainly in the first part Agamemnon get her into the trouble. As we explore the case that builds against her innocents by exploring the killings of Agamemnon and Cassandra and the boastful expression about the killings.
In the book the Oresteia by Aeschylus gender plays an important role throughout the story as the themes of vengeance, and family ties are brought to light. Aeschylus’s portrayal of Clytemnestra and Electra shows the roles women upheld in Greek society as well as their wide variety of feelings when compared to men. These two women are at opposite ends of the spectrum showing the reader how one woman may run the house and everything in it, while one suffers silently.
Yet, despite the fact that no two women in this epic are alike, each—through her vices or virtues—helps to delineate the role of the ideal woman. Below, we will show the importance of Circe, Calypso, Nausicaa, Clytaemestra, and Penelope in terms of the movement of the narrative and in defining social roles for the Ancient Greeks. Before we delve into the traits of individual characters, it is important to understand certain assumptions about women that prevailed in the Homeric Age. By modern standards, the Ancient Greeks would be considered a rabidly misogynistic culture. Indeed, the notoriously sour Boetian playwright Hesiod-- who wrote about fifty years before Homer-- proclaimed "Zeus who thunders on high made women to be evil to mortal men, with a nature to do evil (Theogony 600).
In the article Persian Gender Relations as Historical Motives in Herodotus, Boedeker claims that in the Histories, love is a madness only experienced by men. She then states that Herodotus uses eros nine times and “each time the erotic impulse is associated with a king or tyrant, is wrongly directed, and has disastrous, usually large-scale, consequences” (Boedeker 2011: 231). Some examples of this seen in the stories of Canduales and Gyges, Xerxes and Artaynte, and Cambyses. In the case of Candaules, the consequence was his own death and the loss of the Heraclid’s power. As for Xerxes, there are multiple consequences for his “madness;” one consequence is the mutilation of Masistes’ wife and another is the eventual destruction of his empire. Lastly, Cambyses went “completely out of his mind” (3.38). This argument by Boedeker makes the men in these stories responsible for their own demise; however, Heleen Sancisi-Weerdenburg makes the point that Artaynte’s “adventure is frequently used to demonstrate the weakness of Xerxes’ character,” and the same can be said for the other female characters in relation to Candaules and Cambyses (Sancisi-Weerdenburg 1983: 27). The use of female characters as a way to demonstrate the weakness of their male counterparts shows that the
Plato’s Symposium presents an account of the party given at the house of Agathon, where Socrates and Alcibiades are in attendance. The men at the party take turns eulogizing the god Eros. In Agathon’s eulogy, he describes Eros as a soft and tender being. When Socrates speaks, however, he makes a correction of his host’s account, by saying the soft and tender thing is the beloved, and not the lover, as Agathon would have it. When Alcibiades enters the party toward the end of the dialogue, he complains that Socrates is deceiving Agathon. Alcibiades was once the lover of Socrates, and if he knows anything about his beloved, it is that Socrates is a tough man who can drink without getting drunk and wander the streets of Athens day in and day out without shoes to protect his feet. Though it may seem preposterous that feet matter in a dialogue about love, throughout the Symposium, the condition of the character’s feet helps determine who is the lover and who is the beloved, and furthermore, that those who run away from love in shame are cowardly and those who stand still are noble.
Aristophanes has mildly insulted the previous speakers in two ways. By claiming that one of the original forms was androgynous, he has suggested that heterosexuality is at least as natural as male homosexuality – as is being a lesbian. In contrast, Empedokles in fact did hold to a theory of sorts based on fitness to the environment, the description at 191c strongly suggests that only heterosexual relationships yielding only a temporary satisfaction and relief, allowing the participants to go about their business.
While Clytaemnestra and Antigone, two strong women, tried to bring justice and honor to their families, they ended up being put to death by men. These men believed that their pride was wounded by these two women’s actions. No individual should ever underestimate the vulnerability of the male ego and pride, especially in Ancient Greece.
March, Jennifer. Euripides the Mysogynist? Euripides, Women, and Sexuality. Ed. Anton Powell. New York: Routledge, 1990.
Through most of our readings in Ancient Greece, men have held center stage. Men have been the primary actors, heroes, and prominent figures. Men have been telling stories of other men, speaking myth of another’s strength or intelligence. The fifth century however, through tragedy, is when women truly get in on the action. There have been prominent women scattered in our previous readings, yes, but now it is time for women to stand out. In Aeschylus’s Oresteia trilogy, one woman, Clytemnestra, stands apart in her pursuit of justice(dikē). Clytemnestra gives status to women by seeking dikē and killing her husband in pursuit of retribution. This same dikē unfortunately leads to the fall of Clytemnestra as well as Electra pursues the same.
The ineffaceable impression which Sophocles makes on us today and his imperishable position in the literature of the world are both due to his character-drawing. If we ask which of the men and women ofGreek tragedy have an independent life in the imagination apart from the stage and from the actual plot in which they appear, we must answer, ‘those created by Sophocles, above all others’ (36).
In the plays female sexuality is not expressed variously through courtship, pregnancy, childbearing, and remarriage, as it is in the period. Instead it is narrowly defined and contained by the conventions of Petrarchan love and cuckoldry. The first idealizes women as a catalyst to male virtue, insisting on their absolute purity. The second fears and mistrusts them for their (usually fantasized) infidelity, an infidelity that requires their actual or temporary elimination from the world of men, which then re-forms [sic] itself around the certainty of men’s shared victimization (Neely 127).
If we are to believe Suetonius’s biography of Publius Terence, then the latter was born in 184 B.C., the exact year of the death of his predecessor, Plautus. The two wrote for a Rome in the midst of a centuries-long period of hellanisation. (Barsby.) One of the many ways in which the pervasiveness of Greek culture is evident is the popularity, at the time, of adaptations of Greek New Comedy. One of the plays that I will be discussing in this essay, Terence’s The Eunuch, is in fact a direct adaptation of one such work of Menander’s. (Barsby). The other, Platus’s Pseudolus, is described by Norton Anthology as “drawing both on the improvisatory structure of Atelan farce and on Greek New Comedy.” The most obvious example of the “other” on stage