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White privilege and racism in contemporary American society
White privilege and racism in contemporary American society
White privilege and racism in contemporary American society
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In May of 1970, an organized group of white, mostly middle-class college students issued a declaration of war against the United States. In a communique -- the first of many -- they outlined a plan to violently revolt against the warmongering institution that was U.S. government. Over the next two decades, this group, calling themselves the Weather Underground Organization (WUO), bombed countless public buildings (such as the Pentagon and U.S. Capitol Building) as acts of protest against what they perceived as an illegal, immoral governing body. Whether right or wrong, their actions were always a direct response -- a last ditch effort -- to spotlight the atrocities being carried out by the U.S. government, both at home and abroad. What exactly made a group of privileged white college students with privileged upbringings decide to form a violent revolution, fighting for civil rights and against U.S. imperialism?
In 1969, at its ninth national convention, the organization of college-age activists known as the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) was in disarray. Having formed only nine years earlier, it became the ideological basis for the New Left -- highly critical of the government’s policies on war and most importantly, fervent supporters of racial equality. By its ninth national convention, it had grown to be 100,000 members strong, consisting of various alliances and parties, with over 300 chapters all across the continental United States. During the convention, the turmoil of its own inner-politics and conflict between parties lead to a splintering (Green, “The Weather Underground”). The expulsion of the Worker-Student Alliance and the Progressive Labor party by the Revolutionary Youth Movement was strategic -- a coup...
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...te kids from privileged backgrounds who risked everything for [their] anti-war, anti-racist, and revolutionary beliefs, to act in solidarity with the people of the world” (Rudd, IX). A strong sense of equality, instilled early on in family life; identification with persecution, whether through stories passed down to them about the Holocaust or identification with other ongoing revolutionary movements; an inborn, rebellious nature and shared anti-authoritarian streak -- all of these contributed to the seemingly irrational decision to evade -- even decry -- their white privilege and become professional, underground revolutionaries. To the WUO, being white was something of which they were ashamed. In many ways, their fervent actions were desperate attempts to absolve themselves of that shame. But they were also the genuine acts of concerned and caring individuals.
The 1960’s was a time society fantasized of a better world. However, the horrors of the Vietnam War soon became evident; the mass amounts of death occurring because of the war became a reality. It created a “movement”, especially in American colleges, in order to stand up for what they believed to be “right”. By 1970, many Americans believed sending troops to Vietnam was a mistake, however there were also various individuals becoming increasingly critical of the student antiwar movement
Teenagers in the 1950s were restless creatures, tired of listening to parents and doing school work. When they went away to university, it gave them a taste of freedom and responsibility at the same time. Unfortunately, a war was going on for the U.S.: a war not all people thought we should have been involved with in the first place. As Mark Barringer stated in his article "The 1960s: Polarization, Cynicism, and the Youth Rebellion", student radicals Al Haber and Tom Hayden from the University of Michigan formed the Students for a Democratic Society in 1960 as a scholarly arm of an institution for Industrial Democracy. In June 1962, fifty-nine SDS members met ...
Throughout humanity, human beings have been faced with ethnic hardships, conflict, and exclusion because of the battle for authority. Hence, in human nature, greed, and overall power consumes the mind of some people. Groups throughout the world yearn for the ability to be the mightiest one. These types of conflicts include ethnic shaming, racial exclusion, physical and verbal abuse, enslavement, imprisonment, and even death. Some of these conflicts were faced in all parts of Europe and the Pacific Region during World War II. During this dark time in history, people like Miss.Breed from Dear Miss Breed took initial action in what she thought was right, and gave hope to Japanese Internment Camp children by supplying books and
The Port Huron Statement was a manifesto written by Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) that details the paradoxes in American society and the need for social change. This manifesto was written in 1962 during the time of the Civil Rights Movement. During this period, African Americans continued to struggle to become integrated into American society. There was still segregation although African Americans were promised equality by the American government that was supposed to be “of, by, and for the people.” The Port Huron Statement was a form of civil disobedience that argued for the active participation of students in democratic institutions to create social change and equality for all. The group discussed nuclear warfare, participatory democracy, and forming an anti-hierarchical society. They wanted to bring students together to fight for an equal and just society. However, they faced difficulties that stood in the way of their goal. They noticed that America did not have any explicit values or practical alternatives to the present. America was not trying to improve. Rather, they continued to live the same and influenced others to
...War and the Civil Rights Movements in order to illustrate how the 1960s was a time of “tumult and change.” To Anderson, it is these events, which sparked the demand for recognition of social and economic fairness. He makes prominent the idea that the 1960s served as the origin of activism and the birth of the civil rights movement, forever changing ideals that embody America. The book overall is comprehensive and a definite attention grabber. It shows how the decade had the effect of drastically transforming life in America and challenging the unequal status quo that has characterized most of the nation's history. Despite the violence and conflict that was provoked by these changes, the activism and the liberation movements that took place have left a permanent imprint upon the country.
... and movements, pertaining to the rise of the working class, led to an excessive analysis of the evidence within the pages of Chants Democratic. At times Wilentz’s scrutiny of the trade unions and many other pretentious accounts of the Jacksonian era led the author’s prose to become silted to the reader. In lieu to the disarray of evidence, provided by Wilentz to give application to his arguments on the rise of the labor class; the primary thesis became lost. This leads Chants Democratic to be a great hindrance for the basic student, yet is an excellent source for someone engaged in researching the rise of a working class in American history.
In the duration of one year, 1968, the American national mood shifted from general confidence and optimism to chaotic confusion. Certainly the most turbulent twelve months of the post-WWII period and arguably one of the most disturbing episodes the country has endured since the Civil War, 1968 offers the world a glimpse into the tumultuous workings of a revolution. Although the entire epoch of the 1960's remains significant in US history, 1968 stands alone as the pivotal year of the decade; it was the moment when all of the nation's urges toward violence, sublimity, diversity, and disorder peaked to produce a transformation great enough to blanket an entire society. While some may superficially disagree, the evidence found in the Tet Offensive, race relations, and the counterculture's music of the period undeniably affirm 1968 as a turning point in American history.
Although initially a Party seeking to inspire the independence of the African American community from the control of the government, this image was changed during the course of the movement in the wake of opposition and issues regarding the Party’s image. In the later years of the Party focus was placed on helping the community of Oakland, California in order to gain political ground both on the local and later national level; this was done by educating the community as well as by offering assistance to the African American population, regardless of membership. In the end the Party was successful in making some political ground, but its later approach during the occupation of Merritt College and the public image of the Party’s inner circle brought about its decline and eventual dissolution in 1980. In the examination of the roots of the Party she emphasizes the importance that the Southern migrants had on the future movement; though they did not play as large a role in the Party as the youth did, the ideals and social structures of the old generation greatly inspired the Party and its rise to prominence.
Filene makes the bold yet practical statement that, in reference to the progressive movement, when “research has produced less rather than more conclusions…historians are asking a false question.” His main goal thus is to prove that the progressive movement itself “never existed.” He begins his argument by defining the word “movement” as “a collectivity acting with some continuity to promote or resist a change in society.” By creating this fundamental framework Filene then breaks down the progressive movement into four basic dimensions: program, values, membership, and supporters. He first attacks the basic progressive ideology.
During the sixties and seventies there was an influx of social change movements, from civil rights, gay rights, student’s rights and feminism. In the early sixties the US was experiencing
The year of 1963 had an extreme amount of racial tension and arguments about the rights of African Americans. The white people were vastly prejudice towards the blacks and used all kinds of falderal. Several people began to stand up and show their opinions about the civil disobedience that the laws stood for. Many did this in a public manner therefore they were arrested and sent to jail. An example of this was Martin Luther King, Jr. when he wrote “Letter from Birmingham City Jail” during the time of the protests. All of the people’s opinions are what led to the March on Washington. “In the summer of 1941 A. Philip Randolph, founder of the Broth...
One hundred years after the Emancipation Proclamation was written, African Americans were still fighting for equal rights in every day life. The first real success of this movement did not come until the Brown vs. Board of Education decision in 1954 which was followed by many boycotts and protests. The largest of these protests, the March on Washington, was held on August 28, 1963 “for jobs and freedom” (March on Washington 11). An incredible amount of preparation went into the event to accommodate the hundreds of thousands of people attending from around the nation and to deal with any potential incidents.
The Socialist Party of the United States of America was formally organized at a unity convention in Indianapolis in 1901. The two merging groups were the Social Democratic Party of Eugene Victor Debs and the "Kangaroo" wing of the older Socialist Labor Party. From the beginning the Socialist Party was the organization for American radicals. Its membership included Marxists of various kinds, Christian socialists, Zionist and anti-Zionist Jewish socialists, foreign-language speaking sections, and virtually every variety of American radical. The Socialist Party historically stressed cooperatives as much as labor unions, and included the concepts of revolution by education and of "building the new society within the shell of the old." The Socialist Party aimed to become a major party; in the years prior to World War I it elected two Members of Congress, over 70 mayors, innumerable state legislators and city councilors. Its membership topped 100,000, and its Presidential candidate, Eugene Debs, received close to a million votes in 1912 and again in 1920.
In essence, he was shunned” (Hongo 4) by the white people who could not believe that he would attack their superior American ways. According to writers such as Frank Chin and the rest of the “Aiiieeeee!” group, the Americans have dictated Asian culture and created a perception as “nice and quiet” (Chin 1972, 18), “mama’s boys and crybabies” without “a man in all [the] males.” (Chin 1972, 24). This has become the belief of the preceding generations of Asian Americans and therefore manifested these stereotypes. Those authors who contest these “American made” stereotypes are said to betray the American culture and white power around them, and to be “rocking the boat” in a seemingly decent living situation.
They usually have an assertive character. The quintessential social movement before the emergence of social movements of the sixties was the labor movement. From the sixties arises a great diversity. The political parties have absorbed most of the social movements. Its purpose can be as varied as there can sometimes be regressive social movements. There is a discussion among authors regarding the organization and structure of a group is determined whether or not a social