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The roots of democracy in America
Compare and contrast the culture of european and north american
The roots of democracy in America
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In the chapter Public Spirit in the United States, of Democracy in America, Tocqueville describes two kinds of “love of country”. One comes from the old Europe, especially the older European situation, which is hard to be found nowadays in Europe. The other one is from the early years of the new United States. Seemingly, they are the same—two sorts of patriotism—as they both contribute to the country. However, they are totally different due to the formation.
The first one found in the old Europe is a emotional one. It is based on the bond between the individual and the motherland. The people who have this kind of “love of country” are easy to comfort themselves in the circumstance, emotionally and subconsciously. With religion, the people tend
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To avoid the vacuum period when people “have escaped prejudice but not yet embraced the empire of reason.” having no sense of patriotism and retreating, people should be involved in the politicking and execute their political rights. The inhabitants in the United States mostly come from Europe. Comparing the lifestyle of the European and the people who have just come to the United State, the people find that they still have the need as the European, but their society are not completely established so that it cannot meet their needs. This patriotism is founded up during that time, is induced and promoted by the peculiar circumstance of the time of the U.S. Founding. A recent European arrival is at sea and not acquainted with everything, but as soon as he steps on the continent, he will immediately be occupied by drawing up a plan and doing some work he would never think about when he was in Europe. The new nation doesn’t have extra money to support the people who contribute nothing to the development of itself. The development requires hard work, which hence is emphasized a lot. Thus, the development of the nation is closely connected to people’s labor and the prosperity of the country is tightly related to people’s self-esteem. Thus, this kind of patriotism is more selfish and based more on self-actualization, just as what Tocqueville said “He therefore identifies the public fortune with his own, and he works for
The “Era of Good Feelings,” beginning after the war of 1812 and lasting into the 1820s, is typically represented as a positive time in American history full of nationalism. However, in considering this time period, one remember to examine both the positive nationalistic perspective and the negative sectionalist perspective. Socially, after the war of 1812, the American morale was strengthened and nationalism grew. Politically, the collapse of the Federalist party after the Hartford convention lead to a more united voting population, having only one viable party to vote for. Economically, the national bank expanded its power and protective tariffs were issued, which were looked upon negatively in the south, causing division
In the early twentieth century, scholars gain a deeper understanding of the ideology behind those who partook in the American Revolution. People’s motivations throughout the American Revolution are a result of their desire for a new society that is not based on the old world’s standards of monarchy, privilege, and social hierarchy. Likewise, people want a society in the new world to determine one’s status based on one’s abilities, efforts, and talents and to characterize equality. A meritocracy, not monarchy become prevalent in the new world’s society, and one’s family’s reputation, wealth, and titles are no longer important. Therefore, colonists rebuke the old world system, which was questioned throughout the American Revolution. Wood explains that “republic individuals were no longer destined to be what their fathers were” (Wood 99). His explanation shows that scholars treated the American Revolution as an extension of the development America’s meritocracy and as an innovation of America’s resulting society during the early twentieth
“Transnational communities and selves emerge when people from different cultural groups meet and live in shared spaces” (Fischer, 155-156). The American nation today could easily be seen as a transnational America, thus, this essay shows that Bourne’s idea of empowering all citizens. Especially immigrants,that had led to the America that is known and loved today. Although, empowerment of citizens is important, so is domination, which is why Roosevelt’s ideas of strong patriotism during the Progressive Era are not completely lost
Tocqueville was a Frenchman who was interested in America and its democratic design. He spoke of his observations about America in his book, Democracy in America. Tocqueville’s attitudes towards Americans seem to be very appreciative. He saw democracy as a perfect balance between freedom and equality. Yet, while he is appreciative, he is also quite critical of some of the effects of democracy in America. Tocqueville believed that there were some faults with democracy and states them in his book.
Michel-Guillaume-Jean de Crevecoeur was a French born citizen who moved to New York and became a naturalized citizen of Great Britain. After living in America as a citizen for a while, Crevecoeur decided to write an essay titled “Letters from an American Farmer”. During this time, tensions in America between the colonists and loyalists were increasing, and because of this the idea of America as a sovereign nation and territory was becoming popular. Crevecoeur wrote this essay in order to discuss what it means to be an American, and why people should be honored to be called an American. Crevecoeur believes that America is a melting pot of the world, and is full of opportunities for anyone who lives there. In order to back up his claim, Crevecoeur uses rhetorical devices, especially pathos, while he does also use ethos and logos as well.
America has always seen as the symbolic ideal country of prosperity and equality. This is the reason why people come to America hoping to become successful, but in matter of fact we all have an equal plan field to be successful is not entirely true. For there are social boundaries that keep use limited based upon our own status. Whether we are born of a low class or of a high class the possibility of economic mobility in a sense are predetermined by two factors of social class and success together they both affecting one’s another opportunity of success. In order to achieve success, we must know that it is made up of two main concepts and they are fortune and position.
For both Tocqueville in his “Democracy in America” and Locke in his “Second Treatise of Civil Government”, liberty holds a place of paramount importance in the pantheon of political values, specifically those in relation to democratic and republican systems (though Locke does not explicitly demand a republic as Tocqueville does) . From Tocqueville’s belief in the supremacy of liberty over equality , to Locke’s inclusion and conflation of liberty with property and life itself in his natural rights , liberty plays the crucial role of linchpin in both author’s political philosophy. Though this belief in the centrality of liberty is found in both Tocqueville and Locke, they each derivate liberty from fundamentally disparate sources, and thus hold
In Chapter 8 of Major Problems in American Immigration History, the topic of focus shifts from the United States proper to the expansion and creation of the so called American Empire of the late Nineteenth Century. Unlike other contemporary colonial powers, such as Britain and France, expansion beyond the coast to foreign lands was met with mixed responses. While some argued it to be a mere continuation of Manifest Destiny, others saw it as hypocritical of the democratic spirit which had come to the United States. Whatever their reasons, as United States foreign policy shifted in the direction of direct control and acquisition, it brought forth the issue of the native inhabitants of the lands which they owned and their place in American society. Despite its long history of creating states from acquired territory, the United States had no such plans for its colonies, effectively barring its native subjects from citizenship. Chapter 8’s discussion of Colonialism and Migration reveals that this new class of American, the native, was never to be the equal of its ruler, nor would they, in neither physical nor ideological terms, join in the union of states.
After the War of 1812, America was characterized as the Era of Good Feelings due to the national pride witnessed during Monroe’s presidency. However, even though it was distinguished as so, many aspects of America were diminishing, which signifies why it was not an “Era of Good Feeling.” First, the growing tension within the economy, due to the individual states currency circulating the nation, was a failure. This event was soon called the Panic of 1819 because the issue spun out of control and led the Americans to question whether the bank was a good system or not. Furthermore, during this time period, Chief Justice John Marshall’s court continued to strengthen the federal government and its primacy, which imbalanced the federal government and state power during the early years of the Republican Party. Not to mention, in the early 1800s, slavery was becoming an increasingly sectional issue, meaning that it was dividing the nation along regional lines intensively. Indeed historians have traditionally labeled the period after the War of 1812 as the “Era of Good Feelings”, but the tension between nationalism and sectionalism increased additionally, which were inevitably conspicuous and began to impair the economy, intensify sectionalism by the means of slavery and expansion and added disunity within the government.
The United States, from its inception had a lust for real estate. From the original chants of "manifest destiny" to the calls for the annexation of Indian territories, America has been driven to acquire land. In this country's youth, land was needed for economic expansion; however, by the end of the 19th century, the entire continental United States had been in possession and the citizenry of this country turned their eyes out to sea. The United States no longer sought new lands to farm and work nor did they need new areas for their geological resources; the motives had changed. The United States was now driven by the temptations of world power and political supremacy. The self-absorbed citizenry looked upon their intrusion into foreign areas as a moral obligation; to spread the words of democracy and Christ throughout the world.
Simon Keller argues in his essay "Patriotism as Bad Faith" that patriotism is not a virtue but it is actually a vice. Keller begins by splitting the views on this philosophical debate into three different representations. The first being the "communitarian patriot", where patriotism is not only a valued virtue to someone's self but that it is actually an essential virtue. The second representation is a radical contradiction of the first, known as the "hard universalist. The hard Universalist sees patriotism as a vice instead of being any type of positive virtue. They think that everyone should be valued the same, and that there should be no favoritism. The third representation is the idea of the first two combined, to form what is called the "soft universalist." This view is understood as patriotism is allowed, and is not seen as a vice, but also that one has an obligation to the rest of the world, almost to try and treat them as a loyalty that you would have towards your own country. (p.112).
The great depression put strain on thousands lives. Obstacles from those dark days served as the petri dish for the creation of social welfare from the federal government and with this increased responsibility more power. These challenges also provided examples for Americans to reference for other social disasters to see how citizenship and the government needs to stay in constant flux to deal adapt to the needs of the victims and solve the source of the problem. These letters expressing the threats to their American identity should be used to formulate what constitutes American identity and how does one defend it.
Nationalism is way of thinking both political and socially to create a community united by: history, ethnicity, religions, common culture, and language. Numerous effects occurred while establishing a Nationalist community, some effects were a long term impact on Nationalism, and other was short term impacts on Nationalism.
George Bancroft the first well known American historian in the nineteenth century followed this perspective to weave the “great patriotic myth” of the founding of America and its rise to a blossoming world power. In this era when the country was experiencing tremendous growth both in population and territory, many few that the expression of a unique national identity was needed to bind the widely diversified and rapidly growing population with the ideals of American republicanism. This vision of course neglects the fact that w...
Nationalism is the idea that a people who have much in common, such as language, culture and geographic proximity ought to organize in such a way that it creates a stable and enduring state. Nationalism is tied to patriotism, and it is the driving force behind the identity of a culture. Nationalism had many effects in Europe from 1815, The Congress of Vienna and beyond. In the following essay I will describe many of the consequences of nationalism on European identity, as well as some of the conflicts that it created.