Ellner (2012) presents a framework of resistance based upon two key concepts which will be employed throughout the course of this essay- constituent and constituted power. It is supposed that when constituent power is employed by the people against the constituted power of the state, then there is a social resistance in play. Various understandings of social democracy predicating on interests, economics, justice, power, equality and history have been elaborated by various scholars throughout the study of political science. This essay will argue that social democratic parties (in the form explained here) act to undermine the potential for violent resistance, but show ambivalence towards non-violent resistance. As non-violent resistance does …show more content…
This is so the analysis contained within is focused and contemporary. In the same vein, this essay will limit its analysis to New Labour from 1997-2010 and protest movements. Limiting it to protest movements (as forms of resistance) allows Ellner’s framework containing constituted and constituent power to be used to their full effect, as protests are often clearly defined. In order to do this, this essay will first critically examine Ellner’s conception of resistance, situating it within wider society. It will then seek to analyse the historical evolution of social democratic parties to the modern third way. After this, it will frame New Labour within the Third Way, before presenting and analysing two inter-related case studies on the protests relating to the Iraq war in 2003 and the G20 protests …show more content…
Conceptually, ‘constituent power’ and ‘constituted power’ are limited constructs, however this limitation serves to make a consistent argument throughout this essay. As they are oppositional forces, the motives behind resistance can be easily identified. As such, whatever ground it loses to nuance is more than regained in clarity. The case studies offer a complex insight into the relations of the Blair and Brown’s New Labour governments with those who pursue resistance. In both cases, it is found that the case studies conform, to a greater or less extent, with the premises of the stated argument. However, given this essay’s relatively limited scope, in that it considers exclusively New Labour, a third-way social democratic party who were in office between 1997-2010, it is not clear if the argument is fully generalisable to any context. However, the arguments it makes within the context of the premises are
Civil disobedience spawns a major and widely debated issue by many who established by well-known intelligent scholars and many examples of civil disobedience become displayed. The acts of civil disobedience can be noted in major works such as Sophocles?s Antigone, King?s ?Letter from Birmingham Jail?, or even from Plato?s ?from Crito?. A specific claim exemplified throughout these works make that civil disobedience races in gaining popularity and should remain allowed, and continued to be seen as a solution to reform poorly established laws. A claim represented is, civil disobedience is right. Rhetorically, appeals such as credibility, logic and emotion can provide support for these claims.
This essay will address whether New Labour contained policies with which it wished to pursue, or was solely developed in order to win elections. It is important to realise whether a political party that held office for approximately 13 years only possessed the goal of winning elections, or promoted policies which it wished to pursue. If a party that held no substance was governing for 13 years, it would be unfair to the people. New Labour was designed to win elections, but still contained policies which it wished to pursue. To adequately defend this thesis, one must look at the re-branding steps taken by New Labour and the new policies the party was going to pursue. Through analysis, it will be shown that New Labour promoted policies in regards
Part 1. 2009. The 'Secondary' of the Print. The. Landstreet, Peter. A. The “Power and Power Relations Lecture”.
Chenoweth, Erica, and Maria J. Stephan. 2011. Why Civil Resistance Works : The Strategic Logic of
All societies will endure times of great trouble where people suffer, and in that suffering, discontent will give birth to voices offering a solution. While some, holding the most genuine motives, will whole heartedly rise to the challenge, others will seem parallel in these actions, but will refuse to take responsibility for any attributions made to the system, doing so in a reckless prosecution towards power. Before establishing a solution, one must find a scapegoat, a targeted group of people, to condemn. This is followed by aggressive name calling, crude insulting, and attacks on the personal rights of citizens. If name calling doesn’t work, a violent revolution will materialize, in which there will be a bloody outcome with many fatalities.
As this paper aims at outlining, delineating and comparing pre-industrial and industrial protests and social movements Charles Tilly`s theory on repertoire of contention is one of the most applicable and effective for such an objective. Charles Tilly`s theory serves as an excellent delineation of the contrast between pre-industrial and industrial manners of people acting together when in the pursuit of shared interests. In the 1870s people were aware of how to express their grievance such as seizing shipments of grain, attack tax gatherers, and take revenge on wrongdoers and people who had violated community norms. However what they were not familiar yet with were acts such as mass demonstrations, urban insurrections and strikes (Tarrow, 1998). By observing the repertoire of contention Tilly managed not only to track the rise of the national social movement, but also to analyze and explain it. Utilizing the repertoire of contention in order to compare and understand the behaviour of people with regards to expressing their grievances within the aforementioned two periods.
The following essay will attempt to evaluate the approach taken by Dworkin and Habermas on their views of civil disobedience. The two main pieces of literature referred to will be Dworkin?s paper on 'Civil Disobedience and Nuclear Protest?' and Habermas's paper on 'Civil Disobedience: Litmus Test for the Democratic Constitutional State.' An outline of both Dworkin's and Habermas's approach will be given , further discussion will then focus on a reflective evaluation of these approaches. Firstly though, it is worth commenting on civil disobedience in a more general context. Most would agree that civil disobedience is a 'vital and protected form of political communication in modern constitutional democracies' and further the 'civil disobedience has a legitimate if informal place in the political culture of the community.' Civil disobedience can basically be broken down into two methods, either intentionally violating the law and thus incurring arrest (persuasive), or using the power of the masses to make prosecution too costly to pursue (non persuasive).
In the Theory of Justice by John Rawls, he defines civil disobedience,” I shall begin by defining civil disobedience as a public, nonviolent, conscientious yet political act contrary to law usually done with the aim of bringing about a change in the law or policies of the government”.
In 1997, Tony Blair of the labour party won the United Kingdom’s general election on the ideology, goals and a party manifesto of a ‘new labour’, a revision, an update and a reform of the old labour party, bringing new radical politics to the 20th century - although some believe that labour only won the election due to the British publics increasing hate for Thatcher and the conservatives. The term new labour was a reflection on how the labour party was trying to reform itself and depart from the ideas of ‘old labour’ that had failed to win an election since 1974 and take on new ideas and politics that seemed radical, new and progressive and that would regain trust from the British voters. ‘New labour, new for Britain’ was the slogan that first appeared on the party’s manifesto in 1996 and soon became the party’s main slogan for the campaign of the 1997 elections. But how exactly was new labour new? New labour was trying to become more progressive with its politics that reformed all of the key policy domains that the government were interested in. By attempting to reform the party’s manifesto as well as clause IV, new labour attempted to become a new party that could progress British politics rather than rely on traditional politics of old labour. New labour wanted to modernise the party’s by perusing their traditional goals which include job support, economic growth, investments in public services, welfare and redistribution but they also wanted new progressive politics that catered to the minority groups in terms of social justice, for example civil partnerships (King,2002). However, some argue that new labour was not particularly ‘new’ and instead that Blair’s government had betrayed the traditions of the labour party and inst...
At this point, with an understanding of what power is, what it means, how it is created and the various means through which it is expressed, one can begin to conceptualise how it is that power functions within a given society. Symbolic, cultural, social and economic capital distribute and perpetuate power within a society, through a cycle of transformation whereby these capital resources can be interchanged and manipulated to the advantage of individuals who have
...has so much power. The findings of this research could be used by campaigners in an attempt to swing an election in their favour, creating an unfair bias in parliament and denigrating the ideals of democracy.
Zadie Smith quotes Shakespeare in her epigraph to White Teeth: “What’s past is prologue” and this idea has shaped my learning of memory throughout this course. Entering in August, I did not have any understanding of how my memory was molding my future; however, when exiting I often find myself reflecting on a past event and how it has shaped the way that I respond to the world today. I now recognize that while the past affects who I am as a person, I am living in the present and cannot change what has happened; I can only learn from it. FINISH
In This essay I will look at what is new about New Labour in regard to
Some theorists believe that ‘power is everywhere: not because it embraces everything, but because it comes from everywhere… power is not an institution, nor a structure, nor possession. It is the name we give to a complex strategic situation in a particular society. (Foucault, 1990: 93) This is because power is present in each individual and in every relationship. It is defined as the ability of a group to get another group to take some form of desired action, usually by consensual power and sometimes by force. (Holmes, Hughes &Julian, 2007) There have been a number of differing views on ‘power over’ the many years in which it has been studied. Theorist such as Anthony Gidden in his works on structuration theory attempts to integrate basic structural analyses and agency-centred traditions. According to this, people are free to act, but they must also use and replicate fundamental structures of power by and through their own actions. Power is wielded and maintained by how one ‘makes a difference’ and based on their decisions and actions, if one fails to exercise power, that is to ‘make a difference’ then power is lost. (Giddens: 1984: 14) However, more recent theorists have revisited older conceptions including the power one has over another and within the decision-making processes, and power, as the ability to set specific, wanted agendas. To put it simply, power is the ability to get others to do something they wouldn’t otherwise do. In the political arena, therefore, power is the ability to make or influence decisions that other people are bound by.
Pressure groups are known to be small and extremely diverse formed on the basis of interest and activities, their functions give them a high public profile where minds are influenced and driven to make change. “A Pressure group is an organisation which seeks to influence the details of a comparatively small range of public policies and which is not a function of a recognised political party” (Baggott, 1995: p.2). An aim of pressure groups is to generate support which can influence political agendas; this can directly persuade the government to consider taking action. In this essay I will concentrate upon exploring on various issues on pressure groups, discussing the relationship between the groups, their use of the media and their status as “insiders” and “outsiders” in the political process. Pressure groups have two main types of groups the insiders and outsiders, which each promote a common cause with a different relationship with the media and political party making one as an unheard voice in the public sphere. To the public Pressure groups is another form where the public can engage in politics, participating directly in the political process. I will also intricate in this essay the growths of pressure groups due to the use of the media and their political engagement. The size of a group is a basic indicator of how much public support they get especially those that posse’s open membership, they mobilise through demonstrations, protest involving some non members through organised events. The different types of well known pressure grou...