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Essays on the geneva conventions
Should terrorists be detained without proper trial
Essays on the geneva conventions
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“Since September 11, the Bush Administration has refused to release the names and whereabouts of hundreds of persons detained as "special interest" immigration detainees, various persons detained as material witnesses, and thousands of persons detained without trial as alleged security threats here, at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and elsewhere”(Paust 1352). Because of the staggering amount of suspected terrorists detained without trial since 9/11, some people have started to question President Bush’s right to detain these people indefinitely. These questions have led to open debate on what rights these people get, and if these people deserve the right to a trial. The controversy over how the United States should treat terrorists that have been captured …show more content…
One of these such documents, the Constitution, actually states that, “The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it” (Madison 2). As the Constitution states, Habeas Corpus cannot be suspended unless in cases of rebellion, invasion, or if safety requires so. When a U.S. citizen attacks other citizens in a terrorist attack over their belief that their group is better and that we, as infidels, do not belong on this world and want to rule over us, is this not an act of rebellion? A rebellion is defined as an act of violent or open resistance to an established government or ruler, therefore, by this definition, this attack is a rebellion and these people can have their rights of Habeas Corpus suspended. The Geneva convention also supports this with, “Articles 5, 42, and 78...allow[s] the detention of certain persons who pose security threats during armed conflicts, like those in Afghanistan and Iraq...” (Paust 1338). The Geneva Convention states that people captured in armed conflicts can be detained without trial. This would apply to terrorists who are captured in raids which mean that terrorists are not entitled to a trial as long as they pose as a security threat. Bush’s military order also states that, “...because of the detainees' status as "enemy combatants," their detention was a matter of …show more content…
The Constitution allows for Habeas Corpus to be suspended when someone poses a security threat and military tribunals can be used on people even if war has not been declared against them. The Geneva Convention and military orders from President Bush agree that terrorists are only allowed to be only be tried by military tribunals. And as others have put it, why should terrorists be given more rights under than the Constitution then the United States’ own men at arms? There is a reason why so many people have been detained indefinitely: it is because these people are dangerous and are a safety risk. That is why terrorists should be tried by military
One of President Lincoln’s most notable infringements was his suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. Within months of taking the presidential oath, Lincoln ordered the suspension of habeas corpus, citing “supra-constitutional reasons for taking unilateral executive action.” Attorney General Edward Bates’ defense of Lincoln’s actions regarding habeas corpus in which he refers to it as a privilege rather than a guaranteed civil liberty serves as basis for proving the illegitimacy of this act. If the writ of habeas corpus, which protects citizens from unlawful imprisonment, is viewed in the manner that Bates (and Lincoln for that matter) refers to it, one of the most basic constitutional liberties of a right to trial can easily be deprived and can very well devolve into despotism later
If the right to habeas corpus is not being extended to the detainee, the majority judges are of the opinion that the branches such as executive and etc. except judicial, would have a whole control over Guantanamo Bay causing the judicial branch to have no position in reviewing the legal processes. The majority judges had stated
The Constitution guarantees that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without being taken to court for a fair trial, but that means nothing if the people are not willing to uphold it (Fifth Amendment).
The question in this case was whether or not the president had the power to order a trial by military for a group of German Nazi saboteurs, and whether or not that violated their fifth and sixth amendment rights. The agents attempted to sabotage various US targets, but failed. They were arrested and ordered by President Franklin Roosevelt to stand trial by military commission. They were all found guilty and sentenced to death. Seven of the eight agents filed a writ of habeas corpus directly to the Supreme Court, who decided to hear the
Ms. Vanklausen relies on primary and secondary sources with strong credentials in the realm of the constitution, law, public policy, and Americans’ right to freedom (Cato Inst., n.d.; Wikipedia, 2010) to support her argument. The authors have been published in a variety of respected periodicals as well as writing books on these topics. Her sources cite the expert opinions of Supreme Court Justices Sandra Day O’Connor and Antonin Scalia (“Can U.S. Citizens Be Held as Enemy Combatants”, Reinking & von der Osten, 2007, pp. 228, 231-233), who are entrusted with the ultimate responsibility to interpret our nation’s constitution and apply this standard to arguments brought before the Court when the rule of law is in question. Ms. Vanklausen also employs excerpts from the Bill of Rights to clarify the protections these individuals are not permitted in this situation. She provides a quotation by Thomas Jefferson, and notes decisions by the U.S. Supreme Court, the Second Circuit Court, and Federal Court Judge Mukasey. She also refers to established truths upon which Americans depend as signs of their freedom, such as “The foundation of liberty has always rested on the resistance to the idea of arbitrary imprisonment by an executive. (Reinking & von der Osten, 2007)
And this is when this quote hit me emotionally, the people of the United States should not be put under this situation. It is like saying I have a gun on you but I promise I will never pull the trigger, what proof do I have of the government not pulling the trigger. That’s not how you society, living in the mania of terrorism should not stop the American people from having the basic right, living in fear should not take away the freedom speech.
For instance, if there were a terrorist in the United States planning to blow up a government building, but you could not suspend the writ of habeas corpus, it would take too long to make a case out of it, and there could have been a preventable tragedy. It could be easier to just have probable cause to keep them from harming anyone, but it defies everything our country was built on. President Lincoln had said, during his presidency, “the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the country may require it” (Source B). However, if a corrupted, but influential president in the legislative branch, decides to “go to war”, he could get away with many arrests that he could not have before they had “went to war”. Justice O’Connor believes in the suspension of the writ, as long as they are “given a meaningful opportunity to contest the factual basis for that detention” (Source E), meaning that they must have at least probable cause. Yet there could be many loophole opportunities in this, which is why the ability to suspend the writ Habeas Corpus should be
America’s Use of Torture in Interrogations of Suspected Terrorists Violates Human Rights by Lisa Hajjar
In “The Case For Torture” an article written by Michael Levin, he attempts to justify the use of torture as a means of saving lives. Throughout the article, Levin gives the reader many hypothetical examples in which he believes torture is the only method of resolution. Though I agree with Levin, to some degree, his essay relies heavily on the fears of people and exploits them to convince people into thinking pain is the only way. In certain aspects, I could agree entirely with Levin, but when one reads deeper into the article, many fallacies become apparent. These fallacies detract from the articles academic standing and arguably renders the entire case futile. Levin’s strategy of playing with the fears of people is genius, but, with more creditable details of the issue the article would have sustained the scrutiny of more educated individuals. The addition of more concrete information, would have given people something to cling to, inherently improving the articles creditability.
A Writ of Habeas Corpus is an authoritative order forcing governments to provide the “body” of the detainee in which the legality of their detention and individual liberties will be challenged. Historically associated with civil liberty violation and the injustice of illegally detaining potentially enemies of the state, jurisdictional issues regarding their detaining location have made justice difficult to administer and deliver. Detaining enemies for their participation, involvement, and/or ties to threats of terror towards the United States will result the confinement of combatants, as solidified by the US Constitution, however, to what extent will they be forced to stay?. Residents of Guantanamo Bay are just; enemies of the state, accused individual that have been arrested and detain with minimal civil human rights to our jurisdictional due process that we American’s hold dear; with only a Writ of Habeas Corpus as their life line to legality and freedom. Although controversial in its conception and implementation by US presidential administration, judiciary members have cordially interpreted cases of questionable detention and the legality of doing so. It is truly unfortunate when individuals are tossed into confinement illegally with no help and/or the promise of their restorative freedoms (ACLU, 2014).
Since the beginning of American history, citizens who resided the country lacked the basic civil rights and liberties that humans deserved. Different races and ethnicities were treated unfairly. Voting rights were denied to anyone who was not a rich, white male. Women were harassed by their bosses and expected to take care of everything household related. Life was not all that pretty throughout America’s past, but thankfully overtime American citizens’ civil liberties and rights expanded – granting Americans true freedom.
In an article by Macleod, she wrote a very important fact, “..a non-citizen is informed of her rights after the interrogation” (13). What does not make sense is the fact that non-citizens are interrogated and questioned like any other suspect would but without the rights. That is ridiculous. People may argue that terrorists who are sometimes non-citizens definately do not deserve these Miranda Rights, but what happened to the “innocent until proven guilty ” concept? In some cases, those so called “terrorists” are victims, just innocent people who were set up.
Life in prison can be a difficult experience to properly comprehend as an individual who has never been behind bars or somebody who has not been subjected under criminal law and incarcerated. Researcher Muzammil Quraishi, a British Muslim has undergone a year of research from July 2001 to July 2002 investigating Muslim prisoners in the United Kingdom. Muzammil goes through numerous challenged in his year worth of research investigating a sum of three anonymous prisons. Doing such Muzammil had gone through numerous obstacles, generic research validity, to the side effects of the field research. This paper will separate three columns of obstacles Muzammil had to go through, Technical issues, which would outline the challenges, he as a researched had to adapt to due to the setting he was investigating. The second is Political issues, which mostly stem from outside interferences; most notable would be the incident on September 11, 2001. Finally, the third is administration issues, which has the spotlight on regulations Muzammil had to abide by to get on with his research in a legitimate manner.
The book’s title, with its dry allusion to the separation of powers, does not do it justice. “Guantánamo and the Abuse of Presidential Power” represents the best account yet of what Mr. Margulies calls “a human rights debacle that will eventually take its place alongside other wartime misadventures, including the internment of Japanese-Americans during World War II, the prosecutions under the Espionage and Sedition Acts during World War I, and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus during the Civil War.”
Rumsfeld. The Supreme Court ruled in favor of Salim Ahmed Hamdan, a former driver for Osama bin Laden, granting a prisoner of war a separate hearing to determine whether or not they were a prisoner of war prior to being tried in a military court as an unlawful enemy combatant. However, Congress followed this decision by legalizing military commission as fair trials when it came time to trying the Gitmo detainees. While Hamdan vs. Rumsfeld provided few other protections such as barring any testimony that appeared to have been taken through coercive tactics, prisoners were still forbidden to challenge their imprisonment and the right to request a re-evaluation of the evidence brought against them. These policies displayed an obvious self-interested, power seeking system that is a core principle of the realist theory. They undermined international order and created disorder due to the overarching sense of fear from the 9/11