The Pros and Cons of America's Superpower Status
While reading Rourke, I found that the most interesting, debatable, and insightful issue from Rourke was Issue #3. "SHOULD AMERICA ABANDON ITS SUPERPOWER STATUS?" This is presented by Doug Bandow and Anthony Lake, in which Bandow takes the affirmative side of the issue and Lake the opposing stance. To fully explain this issue, I will not only look at the authors, but their stances on the issues, how their stances fit into the World System, Hegemons, and basic Perceptions. I will then go into the future looking at such items, as well as some thoughts of my own. Basically, I will show that a simple 'yes' or 'no' question is much more complicated and in-depth than one might think. So, with no further ado, let's get Rourking!
I will first look at the 'Yes' [America should step down as a superpower] answer to our question, as presented by Doug Bandow. He presents a situation where America is the "Big Protector" and the source for assistance (in many situations) throughout the world. But, in a time when there is no war, no Cold War, and no need for a U.S. policeman, why should we continue on this path? Bandow wants us to bring our troops home who are on foreign soil, change our 'worldly' ways and concentrate on America. Sure, there may be people in the world who need our help, but there are people right here in America who need that same help. He wants us to step down as a superpower. This does not mean to become Isolationist, but certainly more self-centered. His situation is one where you are not a superpower, but just a (non-influential) power: a partner in the world and not its savior.
With that said, we will move on to Anthony Lake. Lake is quite different from Bandow because Lake is a current Clinton administrator who gave a speech to the press and Bandow is a former Reagan administrator who wrote for a foreign research institute. [Bandow writes with educated intent; Lake writes/speaks to confirm current foreign policy.] Lake's speech does not dive deep into its own theory: Not to step down as a superpower. Lake presents a situation of America being one of two things. The first of which is an Isolationist country, which keeps to itself. This, of course, is not good because it leaves no room for trade, world relations, a prosperous America, or an up-beat Global Political Economy.
Power is what controls the world, and without it, you become weak. When we help other countries, that shows how powerful we are, and how strong we are to stand on our own and help! The U.S. is considered to be the superpower of the world. Therefore, it should use its power to help other countries in need. Yes, we have a lot of problems with our government, but at least it’s our government.
While the economic recession certainly influenced this preference of the Clinton administration, it can also be attributed to the same distaste for foreign intervention among the public that impacted Bush’s limited engagement in Iraq in 1991 (the “Vietnam Syndrome”). As can be witnessed in the aforementioned 1999 foreign policy speech, Clinton’s belief in “assertive multilateralism” (a term coined by his Secretary of State Madeline Albright) relied more heavily on free trade and international organisations such IMF and World Bank. Indeed, towards the end of the speech, he declared that while efforts should be made to “keep our soldiers out of war”, the United States should, at the same time, “finally pay both our dues and our debts to the United
It is somehow strange for today’s reader to find out that the situation with America’s foreign affairs hasn’t changed much. As some clever people have said, “The History book on the shelf is always repeating itself.” Even after nineteen years, Americans think of themselves as citizens of the strongest nation in the world. Even after the September the 11th. Even after Iraq. And Afghanistan.
Presidential power has become a hot topic in the media the in recent years. There has been extensive debate about what a president should be able to do, especially without the involvement of Congress and the American people. While this debate has become more publicized since the Bush administration, similar issues of presidential power date back to Truman and the Korean War. As with much of the structure of the U.S. government, the powers of the president are constantly evolving with the times and the executives.
Without understanding the importance of foreign relations the American people’s way of life could be at stake. Not only could the economic strength of the U.S. diminish, but the military might of the U.S. could also be compromised. Mead argues that without the centrality of foreign policy being evident in American politics the happiness of the world is at risk. “Since the United States has become the central power in a worldwide system of finance, communications, and trade, it is not only the American people whose happiness and security will be greatly affected by the quality of American foreign policy in coming years (Mead 176). I contend that without a strong emphasis on foreign policy, we could begin to see the end of American
98-176. 5 Robert H. Ferrell, America as a World Power, 1872-1945, (New York: Harper & Row Publishers Inc., 1971), p. 265. 6 Arthur Meier Schlesinger, p. 46. 7 Hamilton Fish, FDR: The Other Side of the Coin, (New York: Vantage Press 1976), pp.
...a, from containment to rollback in Korea; welcoming European integration because it portended the creation of an economic unit that encouraged technological innovation; building a configuration of power in the international system, nurturing free markets while safeguarding American interests, a constant in Washington for more than 35 years; and, free political economy at home were just a few of the strategic methods used to change, influence, and shape American domestic policy (Leffler, The Specter of Communism,100-129).
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Hollister, C. Warren. The Making of England. 7th ed. A History of England. Ed. Lacey Baldwin Smith. Vol. 1. Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath, 1996.
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