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The pinochet era in chile
The pinochet era in chile
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The “No” campaign had many obstacles to overcome in order to win the plebiscite. Many Chileans were afraid of Pinochet, which may have led to a low voter turnout. Some people were content with the dictatorship while others thought the plebiscite was fixed. The 1981 Constitution still allowed Pinochet immense power by naming him commander of the armed forces in case he loses the plebiscite. Lastly, there was a divide between the hard liners and the soft liners in the opposition. Because of the challenges the opposition had to overcome, the “No” campaign decided to use happiness as its tactic against Pinochet. Using happiness as a tool to promote freedom and unity helped the opposition to win the 1989 plebiscite.
“The secret of happiness is freedom, and the secret of freedom is courage.” In America, Americans are blessed to have the right to freedom. Unlike other unfortunate countries, their freedom is limited. In many Latin American countries, the government’s leader has all power of the Country. Citizens have no rights to freedom, they are trapped in a cruel country where innocent people are killed each day. Civilians fear to speak out to the regime of leader; However, there were a few courageous citizens enough to speak out against the government. For example, “The Censors” by Luisa Valenzuela and the historical fictionalized account, “In The Time Of The Butterflies” by Julia Alvarez reveal individual 's role in overcoming oppression.
At first, the working class heavily supported Allende's campaign. A new movement of younger worker influence occurred during this time period, allowing Allende to accomplish many of the things he did. For instance, in the Yarur factory there was the "strike of 1962" which was the workers rebellion to the new Taylor system of the new generation of workers. They also rebelled because of the "union question" which revolved around three things: job security, free unions, and the elimination of the Taylor system. These were all things that Allende promised to fix, so naturally after a 9 week strike the people of the Yarur factory supported Allende and the promises he gave. All the workers in the Yarur factory were also deeply affected by the characteristics of postwar Chile: "dependency and stagflation, economic inequality and social inequality, the concentration of wealth and the persistence of poverty, the hegemony of the rich and the powerlessness of the poor" (54). These characteristics were the reasons that the working class suffered in Chile, as well as the...
Models for post-revolutionary Latin American government are born of the complex economic and social realities of 17th and 18th century Europe. From the momentum of the Enlightenment came major political rebellions of the elite class against entrenched national monarchies and systems of power. Within this time period of elitist revolt and intensive political restructuring, the fundamental basis for both liberal and conservative ideology was driven deep into Latin American soil. However, as neither ideology sought to fulfill or even recognize the needs or rights of mestizo people under government rule, the initial liberal doctrine pervading Latin American nations perpetuated racism and economic exploitation, and paved the way for all-consuming, cultural wars in the centuries to come.
The first turning point in hope for the Chilean road to socialism was that of the election of Salvador Allende as president, which gave many Yarur workers the belief that a ‘workers government’ was on their side. “For the first time, a self-proclaimed ‘workers government’ ruled Chile, dominated by the Left and pledged to socialist revolution” (Winn, 53). Allende’s role as president gave identity to the Yarur workers that they were being represented and because of this, their struggles of working in the factory conditions set by Amador Yarur would come to an end. This identification with Allende as being represented by their own voice became the first stepping-stone to the demand for socialization of the factory. “The election of a ‘Popular Government’ was a signal for them to take the revolution into their own hands and fulfill their historic aspirations through direct action from below” (Winn, 140)....
Salvador Allende promised to redistribute Chile's income (only two percent of the population received forty-six percent of the income), nationalize major industries (especially the copper companies), and to expand relations with socialist and communist countries. Allende's presidency presented a threat to the United States; a man with such aspirations would have to stray from United States policies and the policies of all other countries. Allende would neither respect nor consider the work the United States had done for them in the past. The United States would no longer be able to act as a parasite, sucking the money out of Chile. The U.S. decided it must stop this man from rising to power as soon as possible.
Ideally, their sympathy would drive more people to support the nonviolent movement because the victims fight against injustice by nonviolent means. In addition, Hector Tobar described Longoria knowing that “the enemy deals in ideology. Ideology is one of his most effective weapons, perhaps the most effective” (Tobar 220). It shows that suppressive governments are more afraid of their citizens ideological resistance than violent rebellion.
The Allies’ victory in WWII marked democracy’s triumph over dictatorship, and the consequences shook Latin America. Questioning why they should support the struggle for democracy in Europe and yet suffer the constraints of dictatorship at home, many Latin Americans rallied to democratize their own political structures. A group of prominent middle–class Brazilians opposed to the continuation of the Vargas dictatorship mused publicly, “If we fight against fascism at the side of the United Nations so that liberty and democracy may be restored to all people, certainly we are not asking too much in demanding for ourselves such rights and guarantees.” The times favored the democratic concepts professed by the middle class. A wave of freedom of speech, press, and assembly engulfed much of Latin America and bathed the middle class with satisfaction. New political parties emerged to represent broader segments of the population. Democracy, always a fragile plant anywhere, seemed ready to blossom throughout Latin America. Nowhere was this change more amply illustrated than in Guatemala, where Jorge Ubico ruled as dictator from 1931 until 1944. Ubico, a former minister of war, carried out unprecedented centralization of the state and repression of his opponents. Although he technically ended debt peonage, the 1934 vagrancy law required the carrying of identification cards and improved ...
To understand the Nicaragua Contra one must understand the Sandinistas, and who the Sandinistas took power from. Nicaragua has been invaded by the United States eight times starting from American adventurer William Walker’s “filibuster” of Nicaragua . Augusto César Sandino was the first revolutionary who used arm forces to drive United States out of Nicaragua . Somoza had Sandino killed and took control of Nicaragua. The Somozas and his sons oppressively ruled and amassed wealth with the support of United States. Because of the Somozas corrupt rule a rebel force would rise up which called themselves Sandinistas after Augusto César Sandino. Latin American countries urged United States to remove Somozas from power or the Sandinistas would take
The United States dire fight to end communism caused them to severely overlook the evil of Pinochet. In search around the globe for rising communism President Nixon instructed the CIA to cause the downfall of Allende, despite a 1970 CIA report that stated “‘the US has no vital national interest within Chile,’ and that the world ‘military balance of power would not be significantly altered’ if Allende came to power” (Kornbluh 2003, page 19). Even before Allende became President the fear of having a successful socialist or...
The battle zone has become further entrenched between the protesters and the government in the Capitol of Venezuela, Caracas. With 13 dead and 150 injured tension between Nicolás Maduro and his people is at an all time high (Glusing). In the post Hugo Chavez world not only has Maduro failed to inspire the confidence of his people, but his inability to deal with rising economic woes has only worsened his relationship with his people. Machiavelli in his works The Prince and The Discourses, deals with how a leader should deal, interact, and satisfy his subjects. Thus, Machiavellian lens could be critical to best explain the current state of tension within Venezuela. To do this it is first necessary to explain Machiavelli’s method, second understand his conceptual framework, and third evaluate the situation through his work, before finally addressing limitations.
The Pro-Democracy Movement of the 1980's Communism took over China soon after the second world war. Mao Zedong, the leader of the communist party who came from the country, remained paramount until his death on the 9th of September 1976. During his rule, he modified Marxist-Lenonism to suit China's population of peasants, and went through many "leaps" to try and revolutionise China's economy as he had done with the political system. But in the end, Millions of Chinese men, women and children died.
Our struggle is not easy, and we must not think of nonviolence as a safe way to fight oppression, the strength of nonviolence comes from your willingness to take personal risks in Kohlberg’s moral stage 5 moral rights and social contract is explained in this political analysis on governmental power and the antiapartheid and central America work when they led protest on campuses with hundreds being arrested and 130 campus withdrawals.
American foreign policy directed and influenced its activities in Chile. United States although contradicted its firm belief of democr...
The United States is a democratic nation that allows its citizens to vote for their representative leaders. However, not every U.S. citizen has always been able to vote. For example, women and African-Americans had to work their way up to be able to vote through protests. Despite the United States being democratic, different beliefs of other forms of government have come along because of different practices throughout the world and immigrants. An example of this is communism, which is a practice that the U.S. does not want for its nation. The U.S. has experienced two periods in which it was highly afraid of communism rising in the U.S. The two periods were from 1917 to 1929 and 1939 to 1959 where the U.S. had anti-communist feelings. The reasons that led to anti-communism during these periods were significantly similar, but the impacts
The Nicaraguan Revolution was one of the darkest times the country of Nicaragua has been in. Around 53,000 people lost their lives over the 30 years it spanned. At first the citizens were tired of their dictator, Anastasio Somoza Debayle, and demanded change. He was corrupt and that lead to him being very unpopular with his citizens. Many shifts of power happened during this time with many rebel groups. Most of the citizens suffered extreme poverty and battled inequality through these years along with an unstable government due to a poor economy and bad farming seasons. (Nicaraguan Revolution). Although the Nicaraguan Revolution was devastating it was not a true revolution because it did not follow the steps of a revolution and not everyone benefited from the change due to still having inequality, limited civil rights, and having a whole other revolution after the first one ended.