Allende and Peter Winn's Weavers of Revolution In Peter Winn's Weavers of Revolution, a factory in Santiago, Chile fights for their independence against the Chilean government of the 1970's. While this rebellion is going on, presidential elections are taking place and Salvador Allende is the presidential candidate which represents the common people. The relation between Allende and the people he represents is a unique one because at first this class, the working class, helps and supports Allende to become president, but then both parties realize their different plans for the future and the working class actually contributes to the downfall of Allende's presidency. At first, the working class heavily supported Allende's campaign. A new movement of younger worker influence occurred during this time period, allowing Allende to accomplish many of the things he did. For instance, in the Yarur factory there was the "strike of 1962" which was the workers rebellion to the new Taylor system of the new generation of workers. They also rebelled because of the "union question" which revolved around three things: job security, free unions, and the elimination of the Taylor system. These were all things that Allende promised to fix, so naturally after a 9 week strike the people of the Yarur factory supported Allende and the promises he gave. All the workers in the Yarur factory were also deeply affected by the characteristics of postwar Chile: "dependency and stagflation, economic inequality and social inequality, the concentration of wealth and the persistence of poverty, the hegemony of the rich and the powerlessness of the poor" (54). These characteristics were the reasons that the working class suffered in Chile, as well as the... ... middle of paper ... ...he lower class had their agenda on mind, and even disrupted the campaign of Allende in order to do so. Allende was then forced to deal with situations he should never have had to, thus hurting his political status with the working class because he could never deliver the results they wanted all the time. The relationship between the working class and Allende is definitely a difficult to understand because it's hard to understand how a political party is supported by the same group who contributes to their downfall. The working class was not the only reason Allende lost power, but was a heavy contributor. The working class seemed to only use Allende as a reason to enforce reform, and Allende used the working class as a group of supporters. The two groups could only agree on the fact that Chile needed serious social change, and Allende was the best shot they had.
The benefit of hindsight allows modern historians to assume that colonists in British America united easily and naturally to throw off the bonds of tyranny in 1775-1776. The fact that "thirteen clocks were made to strike together" (p.4) surprised even the revolutionary leader John Adams. Prior to the mid-1700s many residents of British North America saw themselves in regional roles rather than as "Americans", they were Virginians or Bostonians, regional loyalties trumped any other including those as British colonial citizens. In T. H. Breen's work, The Marketplace of Revolution, he offers an explanation for the sudden creation of a unique American identity. In his words, "What gave the American Revolution distinctive shape was an earlier transformation of the Anglo-American consumer marketplace" (p. xv). Breen contends that before Americans could unite to resist the British Empire, they needed to first develop a unity and trust with one another in spite of their regional differences. "The Marketplace of Revolution argues, therefore, that the colonists shared experience as consumers provided them with the cultural resources needed to develop a bold new form of political protest" (p. xv). The transformation of the consumer marketplace allowed the colonists of British North America to create a unique British and the American identity that would later result in revolution and the formation of a new nation. This trust based on consumption, Breen concludes, was absolutely necessary for the boycott movement to be an effective tool against the British government. "Unless unhappy people develop the capacity to trust other unhappy people protest remains a local affair easily silence by traditional authority" (p.1).
The passive young son of a well-to-do Chilean family enters his luxurious new home in a Santiago suburb. His opulently dressed mother greets him at the door, kisses him on the cheek and asks if he is happy in the family’s new home. The boy remains silent. This final scene of Chilean director Andrés Wood’s 2004 film Machuca appears to be one of gleaming optimism - of an educated, aristocratic family relishing the benefits of the first leg of Chile’s modern ‘economic miracle.’ However, the characteristically bright eyes of the cherub-faced boy, Gonzalo, are darkened by the gruesome events he had just witnessed in the midst of his nation’s 1973 military coup d’état. Present during a bloody military raid on one of the capital’s sprawling shantytowns, Gonzalo had just watched his indigent best friend, Machuca, being rounded up and sent to a military death camp (Machuca). His family’s newfound wealth was consequent of Chile’s successful and widely-praised neoliberal economic model, which was implemented by way of the brutal suppression of it challenger - the politically-powerful, socialist-aligned lower class. In his intimately told film, director Andrés Wood addresses a country that extols its prosperity while speaking in hushed tones of the atrocities committed against its proletariat. Wood demands that his audience look beyond the façade of Gonzalo’s lavish new home and recognize that his wealth - and indeed the nation’s wealth - was made possible only by bloodshed.
...r had embraced a counterrevolution of economic and political order. The greatest symbolism of the fall of the government under Salvador Allende was the return of repression on the workers at the mill.
They believed that their approaches to making changes for the workers would work if they continued practicing the same method. Oftentimes their very own methods worked, and would result in the desired way. Sometimes however these methods would lead to quite a bit of anger from those that they opposed. The opposition would call on the courts to attempt to get the union leaders to stop whatever their union was doing. When the leaders did not do this, they were imprisoned. This was the main reason for Chavez's imprisonment. While this possibly partially led to Hoffa's imprisonment, his involvement with the mafia was most likely the main reason for his arrest.
The working class has served as an integral part of our capitalist society; as the building blocks, and producers of the goods that supply and support our country, the working class and working poor have faced many struggles to gain working rights. The histories of labor movements in the United States are often silenced from the mainstream culture; while we take our current union laws for granted, long forgotten are the bloody battles that took place to secure these rights. The ideological issues facing our modern day working class have shown to stem from the same socially constructed ideals that existed during past labor wars, such as the Colorado Coal Strike. The Coal Strike of 1913-1914 culminated in the Ludlow Massacre; this event showed how media coverage played off of cultural stereotypes of the working class and resulted in the raised consciousness among the strikers. The way the strike was presented to the public was shrouded in cultural symbology of poverty, and through these very symbols the strikers formed an identity of solidarity.
While this is a dramatized statement regarding the plight of the worker under the new machine driven industrial system, rhetoric such as this did represent the fears of the working class. Over time, as industrialization appeared more common, there emerged more heated debates between the working class and business owners. The struggle between the two opposing classes of labor was the embodiment of the argument for national identity, according to Trachtenberg. His attention to detail of the divide between the lower class workers and the rich upper crust industrialists, serves to illustrate the varying changes which occurred across the country.
...rican revolution." He says this because the rich people that had been in charge of the revolt had only gotten richer after it and the poor class still stayed for the most part poor. Everyone stayed in their social classes and no new ones were created.
The party was in full control of Mexican politics, Calles controlled most of the government and even after his presidency his influenced was still greatly enforced through his manipulation of the PNR. Being that Calles was the leader of the PNR, it was only right that his successor believe in his political views, which is why each successor that followed him was handpicked by him until the 1930’s were Lázaro Cárdenas took a stand for change. Calles reign of power ended in 1935 due to the mass support of Cárdenas wit...
In “Manifesto of the Communist Party,” Karl Marx argues that there is only two social classes and the one who will be in the lead are the wealthy individuals. Like, in “The Social Contract,” Jean-Jacques Rousseau says that in order for things to not remain the same, there has to be changes on the state. Unlike, in “Workers,” Richard Rodriguez explains about his experience in working and about the choices he had to take in life. While, in “Roberto Acuna, Migrant Farm Worker,” Studs Terkel mentions about is life experience when he worked in the fields. On the other hand, in “Does Race Matter in Latin America?” Deborah J. Yashar talks about the discrimination and the history about race in Latin America. In order to help reduce the injustice between
The Mexican Revolution was intended to drag the common man from the poverty of lower class society in Mexico, and bestow upon them an equal portion of land and wealth in order to equilibrate the economic and social status in the nation. The ecomienda system allowed a few patrons to hold all of the wealth in a certain area and exert complete control over a city and the people that lived within it. The Revolution was intended to redistribute the land and power to the lower and middle classes, but this was not the case once the fighting ceased. The lower classes moved to urban areas in order to find work and pay while the rural towns that were under the control of one person became a ghost of what they once were. Juan Rulfo lived in Mexico while these events were taking place and wrote Pedro Paramo just after the conclusion of the Mexican Revolution. Juan Rulfo saw the shortcomings of the Revolution and, through the characters of Pedro Paramo, Susana San Juan, and Juan Preciado, critiqued the failures of the Revolution to precipitate the change that it initially promised.
...interrelated through sociological concepts. The capitalists (US) wanted to maintain their power over the proletariat (South America) because of its resources (petroleum, natural gas). In this struggle for power, social institutions (government, media) looked for ways to influence people to serve their interests. Being aware of the inequality among them, the South Americans were prompted to form a social movement towards change through reforms and the exercise of democracy.
Hugo Chavez's political discourse based on the Marxist thoughts soon was creating "The Bolivarian Revolution", and since its beginning offered the XXI century socialism, which one was never described specifically to people. As a result, with the passing of the years Chavez created an atmosphere of division, violence and unrest within the population. Thus, Created a marked difference between the supporters and opponents of his policies, a situation that President Hugo Chavez took in advantages for his own purposes, deploy a communist regime disguised as a socialist. In other words, Chavez tricked Venezuela’s people, offering the establishment of a socialism that was nothing more than a dictatorship adapted to their own purposes, become the most recognized leader of the left in worldwide.
Spain was once of the powerful nations in Europe. However, by the 20th century it was poor and backwards country where corruption was experienced on a commonly basis. After losing its overseas possessions Cuba, Guam, Puerto Rico and Philippines during the Spanish-American War Spain was in a state of political tension due extreme measures of wealth, poverty and clearly social tensions. Essentially Spain was a deeply divided country during this time although it was a constitutional monarchy during 1920. During this year King Alfonso XIII remained as the royal figurehead however, Miguel Primo de Rivera was the dictator. The tension was between the right-wing Nationalists and left-wing Republican parties. The nationalist’s party was made up of monarchists, landowners, employers, the Roman Catholic Church and the army. The Republicans consisted of the workers, trade unions, socialists, and peasants. The nationalists were described as traditionalists and fascists, while the republicans were socialists and communists. The real political tension started occurring post 1930 when growing opposition to Miguel Primo de Rivera right-wing government started growing rapidly and leading to his resignation. Miguel Primo de Rivera was not able to solve Spain’s financial disaster from the result of the Great Depression, where unemployment rates increased drastically and Rivera never provided any solutions. Miguel was so unsuccessful throughout his dictatorship even the army refused to support his dictatorship. This then concluded in republican receiving the majority of the election votes, throwing out King Alfonso XIII the following year. The abdication of the King was the turning point; where Spain was now considered the Republic of Spa...
Gabriel García Márquez is arguably Latin America’s most well known writer and socialist with Marxist ideals. His short story, Balthazar’s Marvelous Afternoon, is one that well exemplifies a few ideals of Marxism, without enforcing a political agenda, something only the greatest writers can achieve. One concept of Marxism is that capitalism can only thrive on the exploitation of the working class. This leads to economic conflict which creates class tension, this type of disputation is prevalent within Balthazar’s Marvelous Afternoon. To begin, the setting of the story is not clear, it is assumably in a small town since everyone is familiar with one another and the titles and careers of the characters are exposed in the story. One can also assume
... the revolutionary parties. These sorts of compromises happened, and different socialist parties left behind the ideas of radical revolution and instead pursued gradual improvement through unions and parliament. Thus the previously constant decrease in workers state did not continue, rather the workers started getting more rights, for example universal male suffrage. Also they fought for, and won, social and economic improvements, for example more employment stability, higher wages and laws such as the Ten Hour Act of 1847 and the Factory Act of 1833. Such reformations, the increase in the power of Unions and the ability of the workers to vote led to sustainable compromises between the classes, as such no class war took place.