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The new jim crow themes essay
The new jim crow themes essay
Problems due to prison overcrowding
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The New Jim Crow is a wake-up call in the midst of a long slumber of indifference to the poor and vulnerable. This book is a genuine resurrection of the spirit of Martin Luther King Jr. amid the confusion of the Age of Obama. The Age of Obama is a time of historic breakthroughs at the level of symbols and political surfaces. Alexander’s subtle analysis shifts our attention from the racial symbol of America’s achievement to the actual substance of American’s shame and the massive use of state power to incarcerate hundreds of thousands of poor black males and females in the name of the bogus “war on drugs.’ Alexander takes us through the historical narrative tracing the unconscionable treatment and brutal control of black people from slavery …show more content…
to Jim Crow, and mass incarceration, through the use of political strategies and structures of the caste system that is alive in the age of colorblindness. The very discourse of colorblindness left America blind to the New Jim Crow. Today this discourse of colorblindness has persisted under both Republican and Democratic administration and remains to this day hardly acknowledge or examined in our nation’s public discourse. Once you read The New Jim Crow, you are now awakened to a dark and ugly reality that has been in place for decades and that is continuous with the racist underside of American history from the advent of slavery onward. The social movement fanned and fueled by this book is a democratic awakening that says we do care, that the racial cast system must be dismantled, that we need a revolution in our warped prorates, a transfer of power from oligarchs to the people, and that we are willing to live and die to make it so. This is one of few books that I’ve read outside of the academic arena, and this is the second time it has been assigned for class. Each time I read it, I seem to get more out of it. When I read it the first time for pleasure, it was a good read, however when I was required to read it for scholarship discussion I managed to dig deeper into my critical thinking and I was able to uncover more meaning from the reading because this time, I have more academic knowledge on the subject at hand and I’m reading it through the critical race theory lens.. As I think about it, you don’t read the Bible just once, you continue to read it for a better understanding. Of all things I noticed, what stood out most was in the preface. Alexander says that she hopes this book empowers me to speak truth with greater conviction, credibility and courage. Often throughout my graduate studies I quote her. Along with Alexander, Reiman and Leighton’s The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison, and Spence’s With Justice for None, these are three of my greatest assets in my reading collection. Many generations have haven’t been able to vote for one reason or another. Originally blacks were not able to vote because they were slaves, and after they were emancipated they were denied the privilege to vote, after blacks were granted voting rights, many were threatened by the KKK and intimidated by others not to vote, and fast forward to today, they cannot vote because of lost privileges due to prison incarceration. Today’s reason is much more unacceptable because it does not apply to all Blacks. It only applies to some Blacks and only in some territories. Most formerly incarcerated felons cannot vote, however there are some that can. Some currently incarcerated people in some states have the right to vote where as some do not in other states. These loss of rights affects most in ways that are directly related to their day to day life. When most people think about voting, the most obvious comes to mind, and that is picking certain representatives, from judges, city and state officials, to the president. However these aren’t the only things on the ballot. Some of the more personal things are on the ballot like whether you want to vote for fluoride in your water, or where you would like to allocate your taxes. An extraordinary percentage of black men in the United States are legally barred from voting today just as they have been throughout most of American history. They are also subject to legalized discrimination in employment, housing, education, public benefits, and jury service, just as their parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents once were. Today it is perfectly legal to discriminate against criminals in nearly all of the ways that it was once legal to discriminate against African Americans, and it is accomplished through the criminal justice system. The racial caste system has not been eliminated, it has only been redesigned. Once you’re labeled a felon, the old forms of discrimination are suddenly legal. At least in the old forms of discrimination, families were pretty much intact, even though they live at or below the poverty level. Fathers were able to come home to their children, even if they lived in public housing. Menial labor was available to provide something to the home, even if it wasn’t much. Today in a world of technology, not many menial jobs are available. Because most on the job sites deal directly with the public, formerly incarcerated felons are not deemed suitable for these jobs. Mothers were able to still provide food and shelter for the kids. As it stands now, if for any reason a mother is arrested and convicted for a drug charge, whether the drugs were hers or not, the children lose their benefits too. Alexander address the issues of our still separate and unequal education system, as well as the problems that plague poor communities of color, including problems associated with crime and rising incarceration rates.
She addresses this era as the New Jim Crow, with its new racial caste system. What caught her attention was a poster that read “The Drug War Is The New Jim Crow.” A racial group was holding a meeting about police brutality, the new three-strikes law in California, and the expansion of America’s prison system. The misuse of the criminal justices system is a form of racialized social control having a remarkable similarity to Jim Crow. Once released, formerly incarcerated felons are confined to mainstream society, and denied access to the mainstream economy. They are forced into second-class citizenship. The war on drugs is a racist conspiracy to put blacks back in their place. This war was launched during a time when there was no real crisis, drug use was actually on a decline, plus the war only accomplished the incarceration of a large mass of people, primarily people of color. On top of that, the drug use did not go down, as that was the intentions and purpose for the war. It is assumed that the war on drugs was in response to the crack epidemic, however Ronald Regan launched the war prior to this. In the late 80’s the war on drugs policy went from just an ambition to an actual war. The war was geared towards the wrong people. The drugs themselves came from different countries. Instead of cutting off the supply, the government decided to arrest small time dealers and users. I remember in the late 80’s drug movies became popular, and at some point in the movie it was always stated that coca plants weren’t grown in these urban inner
cities. It is known that young white men engage in drug crimes just as much as blacks, however the prison system does not reflect this fact. In major cities wracked by the drug war, as many as 80 percent of young African American men now have criminal records and are subject to legalized discrimination for the rest of their lives. They are part of an under caste, permanently locked up and locked out of mainstream society. The institutions create crime more than they prevent it, prisons do not deter crime significantly. Civil rights advocates devote much or their time and resources trying to maintain affirmative action and as a result, things like prisons being filled by black and brown men are not given much attention. Even though criminal justice reform work is done through the Racial Justice Project most of its concentration is on affirmative action. Elected leaders of the African American community also does not pay much attention to criminal justice reform. There are some that look at re-entry and felon disenfranchisement laws. There has been attention paid to zero tolerance laws that are greatly affecting our youths. Racial profiling has also become a hot topic. Most especially since the killing of our unarmed black youth are on the rise. Alexander names mass incarceration and not attacks on affirmative action, as the most damaging manifestation of the backlash against the Civil Rights Movement. Racial cast as used in the book refers to a stigmatized racial group locked into an inferior position by law and custom. The criminal justice system is a gateway into a system of racialized stigmatization and marginalization. The new system not only locks people behind actual bars, but also behind virtual bars and walls. When it comes to upward mobility it is easy to focus on the structural environment, but what Alexander points out is that a huge percentage of Africans Americans are not free to move up at all. It is not just that they lack opportunity, attend poor schools, or are plagued by poverty. They are barred by law from doing so. The major institutions they come into contact with are designed to prevent their mobility. It is noted that the current system of control depends on black exceptionalism. Racial caste systems do not require racial hostility or overt bigotry to thrive. They need only racial difference, as Martin Luther king Jr. warned more than forty-five years ago. Some state legislatures have repealed or reduced their mandatory drug sentencing laws, not because it’s the right thing to do, but because it is becoming very costly to them, most especially in a time of economic crunch. Just because these times are reduced does not change the caste system because it is based on the prison label and not prison time.
Prior to the 1950s, very little research had been done on the history and nature of the United States’ policies toward and relationships with African Americans, particularly in the South. To most historians, white domination and unequal treatment of Negroes were assumed to be constants of the political and social landscapes since the nation’s conception. Prominent Southern historian C. Vann Woodward, however, permanently changed history’s naïve understanding of race in America through his book entitled The Strange Career of Jim Crow. His provocative thesis explored evidence that had previously been overlooked by historians and gave a fresh foundation for more research on the topic of racial policies of the United States.
In 1955, C. Vann Woodward published the first edition of his book, The Strange Career of Jim Crow. The book garnered immediate recognition and success with Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. eventually calling it, “the historical Bible of the civil rights movement.” An endorsement like this one from such a prominent and respect figure in American history makes one wonder if they will find anything in the book to criticize or any faults to point out. However, with two subsequent editions of the book, one in August 1965 and another in October 1973—each adding new chapters as the Civil Rights movement progressed—one wonders if Dr. King’s assessment still holds up, if indeed The Strange Career of Jim Crow is still the historical bible of the civil rights movement. In addition, one questions the objectivity of the book considering that it gained endorsements from figures who were promoting a cause and because Woodward had also promoted that same cause.
C. Vann Woodward wrote The Strange Career of Jim Crow for a purpose. His purpose was to enlighten people about the history of the Jim Crow laws in the South. Martin Luther King Jr. called Woodward’s book, “the historical Bible of the civil rights movement.” (221) Martin Luther King Jr.’s quote revealed the true importance of Woodward’s book. Woodard’s book significance was based on it revealing the strange, forgotten facets of the Jim Crow laws. Assumptions about the Jim Crow’s career have existed since its creation. Woodward tried to eliminate the false theories as he attempted to uncover the truths. Woodward argued the strangest aspects of Jim Crow’s career were, it was a recent innovation and not created in the South
The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness is a book by Michelle Alexander, a civil rights litigator and legal scholar. The book discusses race-related issues specific to African-American males and mass incarceration in the United States. Michelle Alexander (2010) argues that despite the old Jim Crow is death, does not necessarily means the end of racial caste (p.21). In her book “The New Jim Crow”, Alexander describes a set of practices and social discourses that serve to maintain African American people controlled by institutions. In this book her analyses is centered in examining the mass incarceration phenomenon in recent years. Comparing Jim Crow with mass incarceration she points out that mass incarceration is a network of laws, policies, customs and institutions that works together –almost invisible– to ensure the subordinate status of a group defined by race, African American (p. 178 -190).
The Author transitions the past and present signatures of Jim Crow and the New Jim Crow with the suggestion that the New Jim Crow, by mass incarceration and racism as a whole, marginalizes and relegates Blacks to residential, educational and constitutionally endowed service to the Country. The final chapter of The New Jim Crow reviews the manner in which the Black community might respond to the racism that exists today. Some research implies that we in America have reached a point of attrition as to incarceration, and the positive effects outweigh the negative effects of marginalization and collateral damage to the community. By some research, the "War on Drugs" procreates poverty, joblessness, family breakdown, and crime.
“The New Jim Crow” is an article by Michelle Alexander, published by the Ohio State Journal of Criminal Law. Michelle is a professor at the Ohio State Moritz college of criminal law as well as a civil rights advocate. Ohio State University’s Moritz College of Law is part of the world’s top education system, is accredited by the American Bar Association, and is a long-time member of the American Law association. The goal of “The New Jim Crow” is to inform the public about the issues of race in our country, especially our legal system. The article is written in plain English, so the common person can fully understand it, but it also remains very professional. Throughout the article, Alexander provides factual information about racial issues in our country. She relates them back to the Jim Crow era and explains how the large social problem affects individual lives of people of color all over the country. By doing this, Alexander appeals to the reader’s ethos, logos, and pathos, forming a persuasive essay that shifts the understanding and opinions of all readers.
From slavery being legal, to its abolishment and the Civil Rights Movement, to where we are now in today’s integrated society, it would seem only obvious that this country has made big steps in the adoption of African Americans into American society. However, writers W.E.B. Du Bois and James Baldwin who have lived and documented in between this timeline of events bringing different perspectives to the surface. Du Bois first introduced an idea that Baldwin would later expand, but both authors’ works provide insight to the underlying problem: even though the law has made African Americans equal, the people still have not.
C. Vann Woodward’s book, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, has been hailed as a book which shaped our views of the history of the Civil Rights Movement and of the American South. Martin Luther King, Jr. described the book as “the historical Bible of the civil rights movement.” The argument presented in The Strange Career of Jim Crow is that the Jim Crow laws were relatively new introductions to the South that occurred towards the turn of the century rather than immediately after the end of Reconstruction after the Civil War. Woodward examines personal accounts, opinions, and editorials from the eras as well as the laws in place at the times. He examines the political history behind the emergence of the Jim Crow laws. The Strange Career of Jim Crow gives a new insight into the history of the American South and the Civil Rights Movement.
Today, more African American adults are under correctional control than were enslaved in 1850, a decade before the Civil War began (Alexander 180). Throughout history, there have been multiple racial caste systems in the United States. In her book The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness, Michelle Alexander defines a “racial caste” as “a racial group locked into an inferior position by law and custom” (12). Alexander argues that both Jim Crow and slavery functioned as racial caste systems, and that our current system of mass incarceration functions as a similar caste system, which she labels “The New Jim Crow”. There is now a silent Jim Crow in our nation.
For most American’s especially African Americans, the abolition of slavery in 1865 was a significant point in history, but for African Americans, although slavery was abolished it gave root for a new form of slavery that showed to be equally as terrorizing for blacks. In the novel Slavery by Another Name, by Douglas Blackmon he examines the reconstruction era, which provided a form of coerced labor in a convict leasing system, where many African Americans were convicted on triumphed up charges for decades.
The fact that War on Drugs and incarceration is a rebirth of caste of America, is correct. If you are African- American you will go to prison because of the caste system. People choice to be what they want to be. Yet Michelle point is correct, human beings need to realize everyone is different. Problems are created because one it creates them. Also we talked about the nullification system in class, and is one way in solving racism in the justice system and the government. Michelle Alexander uses statistic through the book. She explains the difference from 1990s to today’s world. This makes it easier for the reader to tell the contrast.
The laws known as “Jim Crow” were laws presented to basically establish racial apartheid in the United States. These laws were more than in effect for “for three centuries of a century beginning in the 1800s” according to a Jim Crow Law article on PBS. Many try to say these laws didn’t have that big of an effect on African American lives but in affected almost everything in their daily life from segregation of things: such as schools, parks, restrooms, libraries, bus seatings, and also restaurants. The government got away with this because of the legal theory “separate but equal” but none of the blacks establishments were to the same standards of the whites. Signs that read “Whites Only” and “Colored” were seen at places all arounds cities.
In the south, the Jim Crow laws were to some degree more apparent than in the south in States, such as Alabama, Louisiana, and Missouri. Cities such as Birmingham had awful nicknames which reflected the zeitgeist of that time period. Nicknames such as "Bombngham". The treatment of the black community was inhumane and it rallied many protests. The unequal treatment led to the rise of many activists, and activist organization. Many of these organizations meet at the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham. This was a common meeting ground which many individuals came to hear leaders like Martin Luther King Jr. speak or to meet before a march because it was close to the downtown area. The importance of the church was one of the causes it was
While there were many ways blacks and whites were segregated and in no way, shape or form equal, after the passing of the 13th amendment, Black and white people were more segregated than ever. After the passing of the 13th amendment, the southern states enacted "black codes" which were then followed by Jim Crow laws. Black codes and Jim Crow laws restricting black peoples freedom, wages and to ensure that they were available for labor force.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.