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Journalism as a profession
Journalism as a profession
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Cierra is a sophomore at Hampton University where she is pursuing a Bachelor’s of Arts degree in Journalism from the Scripps Howard School of Journalism and Communications, with a minor in Political Science. At Hampton, Cierra is a Student Leader in the Greer Dawson Wilson Student Leadership Training Program. Cierra is also the secretary of the Hampton University Her Campus chapter. She is also Secretary of the Hampton University chapter of the National Association of Black Journalists. Cierra is also an active Contributing Writer to The Hampton Script. Upon graduation, Cierra plans to purse a Juris Doctorate in Public Policy. Cierra has a passion for community relations and mentoring. Cierra’s ultimate goal is to use her knowledge of public
Reverend Hale is a dynamic character in Miller's The Crucible as he is challenged by John Proctor's courage. He starts out very convincing and seems to know exactly what he wants. John Proctor is a very strong and courageous character. He influences Reverend Hale so much that Hale completely changes his mind about Salem, the court, and witches. Reverend Hale enters Salem as a very strong character that knows what he wants to do.
Chisholm, Shirley. "Race, Revolution and Women." The Black Scholar 42.2 (2012): 31-35. Academic Search Complete. Web. 19 May 2016.
A person’s character can have a lot of influences in weather or not they can maintain their morals. In the play The Crucible, by Arthur Miller, the town of Salem, Massachusetts Bay Colony is taken over by witch trials. They are started by young girls who accuse people of being witches in order to avoid getting into trouble for having been caught dancing naked in the woods. Reverend Hale, who is considered an expert in witches, is called in to assist the courts with the trials and give his opinion on the severity of the situation. At first he believes these cases are true, however he changes his opinion when the credibility of the accusers come into question, and he also denounces the courts proceedings. Various townspeople believe that the girls are lying, and some people try to stand up to them but end up being accused of being a witch and dying. The internal struggles of the character play a large part in determining whether or not they will be successful or not in standing up to the girls, and if they will be able to maintain their morals. Two of the people who stood up to the girls are Mary Warren and Reverend John Hale; Reverend Hale was able to maintain his morals by looking at the situation for a neutral prospective and going by the facts, whereas Mary Warren, a girl who was one of the accusers, was unable to successfully maintain her morals and stop the unjust trials because she was fearful of the other girls, she is self-centered, and she had no confidence.
The backlash that Sotomayor experiences because of her decision to apply to and her acceptance into Princeton reveals how most Puerto Ricans experienced forms of racialization, or racial classification, by Caucasian Americans. Sotomayor experiences the culmination of years of racial discrimination and oppression when her school nurse asks with an “accusatory tone” and a “baleful gaze” how she got a “likely” and the “two top-ranking girls in the school only got a ‘possible’” (Sotomayor 102). She expects Sotomayor to experience “shame” under her gaze because her “perplexed discomfort” in answering her question is “clearly not enough” (102). The nurse demonstrates society’s common expectation for Puerto Rican and other minority students to not be at the same intellectual level as Caucasian Americans.
Jim Sleeper’s “The End of the Rainbow,” discusses the challenges faced in a multi-ethnic political system where Rainbow I and II politics no longer appeal to nonwhites (). Black politicians entering the political realm during and after the Civil Rights era have faced increasingly difficult defeats throughout the country most often due to the lack of support by fellow Blacks, nonwhites, and whites who feel left out by the political strategy’s previously employed (). This has led to an increase in White defeats throughout urban, non-white, playing fields (). Raphael J. Sonenshein’s “The Battle over Liquor Stores in South Central Los Angeles: The Management of an Interminority Conflict,” discusses the “conflict[s] and coalitions among nonwhite communities.” Sleeper suggests the growing number of “politically centrist mayoral candidates tou...
Gillespie, Andra. The New Black Politician: Cory Booker, Newark, and Post-racial America. New York: New York UP, 2012. Print.
Chisholm, Shirley. "Race, Revolution and Women." The Black Scholar 42.2 (2012): 31-35. Academic Search Complete. Web. 19 May 2016.
Michelle Brattain' s. Politics of the Whiteness. The Racial Divide and the Class Struggle in the
In the Wall Street Journal, leadership responsibility is generally deflected to the black communities themselves, evoking a “do it yourself” mentality. The implications of this line of thought are huge because they excuse Americans at large from confronting the inequalities they have created in society, designating the violence in the riots as a consequence of factors relevant only to poor black communities. In “Campaign 92” John Buchanan is quoted saying that he strongly apposes social programs and thinks that they actually hinder impoverished communities’ ability to improve their own situation. By downplaying the power of the government, opinions like this one take pressure off politicians to lead reform. Other articles such as “The Los Angeles Riots --- Who Speaks for Blacks?” show a subtle continuation of these themes, though through a more liberal lens. This particular article was written by Dorothy Gaiter who is, herself, a black woman and a leader in the black community. It argues that the violence and disorder in black communities comes from a lack of modern black leaders. She cites the increase of blacks in power from 1960s to 1990s and reasons that therefore there should be more responsibility for black leaders to control and pacify the violent outbursts in the communities. The article prominently features a chart measuring “Black Progress in the White
Not only has she graduated from two exceptional Ivy League colleges (Princeton and Harvard), she is also a lawyer. She was raised on the South Side of Chicago, had opportunities to study at prestigious universities, returned to her hometown, married, and raised two beautiful daughters. Unlike Barack, Michelle has two black parents and a black sibling, and she comes from a city readily associated with black life and politics. She even has a family tree that traces back to American slavery. Observers comfortably frame Michelle Obama as angry Sapphire figure, but how is that possible when she is one out of the few mothers who hold degrees from the most reputable schools around the world. Again, her critique was taken as evidence of her ideational anger. Michelle Obama is the most known example of an African American woman who has worked hard to become who she is today and is probably the most idealistic perfect woman. Still the success and difficulty she has experienced in gaining accurate recognition is emblematic, if not typical, of black women’s citizenship struggles. She is still only seen as the stereotypical black woman in the eyes of supremacist even though she has out succeeded the majority of people today. One could assume that Michelle Obama is someone who could be looked to as faultless representation of how black women can achieve and obtain such incredible power. Unfortunately, not even the first lady is respected even with her credentials. For example. there were attempts to frame her with the common trope of hypersexuality. In the heat of the general election fight, Fox News referred to her as “Barack’s baby mama”. Instead she fights strong against these over rationalized comments because she knows she is better than what they say. If Michelle Obama, the First Lady of the United States, is not recognized as credible, than it is clear that no black woman will ever be
Instinctively a feminist, Lucy Diggs Slowe was an outspoken advocate for the empowerment and education of the African American female. A graduate of Howard University in 1908, Ms. Slowe cultivated her passion for gender equality with many leadership positions on the Howard campus. “She was the first president of Alpha Kappa Alpha sorority, the first greek letter organization for black college women” (Perkins, 1996, p. 90). After graduation Slowe went on to teach, earned a Master’s degree from Columbia University and took classes in the innovative field of Student Personnel that would eventually be her career until her death in 1937. The first African American Dean of Women at Howard University, she clashed with many of the presidents at Howard during her fifteen year tenure. As a result of her push back on the paternalistic rules imposed on the female students at Howard, Ms. Slowe’s department was dismantled and she was asked to live on campus to oversee the female population that resided on campus. Despite this retaliation from the University President, Mordecai
The theme of the play has to do with the way that life is an endless cycle. You're born, you have some happy times, you have some bad times, and then you die. As the years pass by, everything seems to change. But all in all there is little change. The sun always rises in the early morning, and sets in the evening. The seasons always rotate like they always have. The birds are always chirping. And there is always somebody that has life a little bit worse than your own.
Verner, B. (1994, June 12). The Power and Glory of Africana Womanism. The Chicago Tribune.
The play The Crucible by Arthur Miller takes place in Salem, Massachusetts. A group of girls go dancing in the forest with a Bajan slave named Tituba. While dancing they are caught by Reverend Parris. He is the local minister who believes that drama follows him wherever he goes. Rumors of witchcraft fill the town after Betty, Reverend Parris’s daughter, falls into a coma. As she is in the coma, another minister, Reverend Hale, is called in to get the demons out of Betty. Abigail, the girls ringleader threatens the others telling them not to admit to anything they are asked. While working in Proctor’s home the previous year Abigail had in an affair with John, which led to her being fired by his wife, Elizabeth. Abigail still wants him, but
Mayor Richard Hatcher of Gary, Indiana proclaimed “[the] ‘70’s will be the decade of an independent black political thrust” during the Black Political Convention of 1972 (Carson, et al. 1991, 492). This thrust would inevitably come forms of social, political, and economic changes that invariably relied less on Black Power rhetoric and more on inclusionary opportunities for blacks in majority White American spheres. Undoubtedly, many factors led to the demobilization of the Civil Rights Movement and Black Power, however, three reasons relating to black leadership and three relating to the national climate prove most influential. Black leadership changes involved older leaders capitulating to racism, the persecution of Black Freedom leaders, and the emergence of Black Elected Officials as a sign of increased political incorporation. As for the national climate, this country witnessed a resurgence of white supremacy groups, the emergence of a Black middle class, and the election of Richard Nixon, who brought his Law and Order rhetoric to the Oval Office.