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Race relations among African Americans and whites
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A rainbow coalition such as Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow PUSH organization aims to “protect, defend, and gain civil rights by leveling the economic and educational playing fields, and to promote peace and justice around the world” (RainbowPUSH). This organization aims to unite marginalized groups throughout society to provide members a voice. Through the organization of these peoples, organizers hope to promote their causes in order to better support their communities. However, there is an increasing lack of strength and participation within these groups. Readings from Jim Sleeper and Raphael Sonenshein in Franklin D. Gilliam Jr.’s, Farther to Go: Readings and Cases in African-American Politics as well as an article from Lucius Barker, Mack Jones, and Katherine Tate’s, African Americans and the American Political System discuss the challenges that make African American interethnic coalitions difficult. Jim Sleeper’s “The End of the Rainbow,” discusses the challenges faced in a multi-ethnic political system where Rainbow I and II politics no longer appeal to nonwhites (). Black politicians entering the political realm during and after the Civil Rights era have faced increasingly difficult defeats throughout the country most often due to the lack of support by fellow Blacks, nonwhites, and whites who feel left out by the political strategy’s previously employed (). This has led to an increase in White defeats throughout urban, non-white, playing fields (). Raphael J. Sonenshein’s “The Battle over Liquor Stores in South Central Los Angeles: The Management of an Interminority Conflict,” discusses the “conflict[s] and coalitions among nonwhite communities.” Sleeper suggests the growing number of “politically centrist mayoral candidates tou... ... middle of paper ... ...g (Gilliam). A lack of leadership, resources, and conflicting interests has challenged interethnic group success in many areas throughout the country (Barker 361). The growing number of racial minorities experiencing different historical backgrounds and agendas throughout the United States along with previous white and nonwhite supporters who feel left out by the civil rights movement allow for tremendous challenges in creating interethnic coalitions (Gilliam). Works Cited Gilliam, Franklin D. Farther to Go: Readings and Cases in African-American Politics. Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt College, 2002. 264-83. Print. "Organization and Mission." Rainbow PUSH Coalition. N.p., n.d. Web. 01 Dec. 2013. Tate, Katherine, Mack Jones, and Lucius Barker. African Americans and the American Political System. 4th ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1994. 359-65. Print.
The Brown & Black Presidential Forum. (2014). Panel Members. Retrieved February 26, 2014, from http://www.bbpresforum.org/panel.html
... tension. During the campaigns of 1988 for the New York Presidential Primary, Koch set out a relentless attack on democratic party candidate, Rev. Jessie Jackson, by saying that Jews would be "crazy" to vote for him, accusing him of "arrogance and contempt” {NY Times, 1988}, and charging him for lying in 1968 about Martin Luther King dying in his arms. Mayor Koch’s fiercest, most powerful opponent, his voice, caused him both his credibility with minority voters and his fourth term as well. In the end, even when the Mayor claimed his “style” {NY Times, 1987} had changed attempted to repair the rift he had created with minorities by convening for meetings, pleading for “exquisite sensitivity to others,” {1987} and speaking out following the incident at Howard Beach in which white youths hit and killed 23 year old Michael Griffith with their car, it seemed too late.
William Julius Wilson creates a thrilling new systematic framework to three politically tense social problems: “the plight of low-skilled black males, the persistence of the inner-city ghetto, and the fragmentation of the African American family” (Wilson, 36). Though the conversation of racial inequality is classically divided. Wilson challenges the relationship between institutional and cultural factors as reasons of the racial forces, which are inseparably linked, but public policy can only change the racial status quo by reforming the institutions that support it.
All hail to the to the NAACP- making sure equality is enforced, and social injustice does not prevail. “Founded in 1909 in New York, by a group of black and white citizens in order to ensure the political, educational, social, and economic equality of minority group citizens of the United States and eliminate racial prejudice. The NAACP seeks to remove all barriers of racial discrimination through democratic process.” (www.NAACP.org)
Although an effort is made in connecting with the blacks, the idea behind it is not in understanding the blacks and their culture but rather is an exploitative one. It had an adverse impact on the black community by degrading their esteem and status in the community. For many years, the political process also had been influenced by the same ideas and had ignored the black population in the political process (Belk, 1990). America loves appropriating black culture — even when black people themselves, at times, don’t receive much love from America.
... middle of paper ... ... Throughout the process of attempting to achieve these goals, the battle for racial equality was continuously lost and left with it a legacy of social sentiment that would manifest itself through several socio-cultural movements in the forthcoming years. Works Cited: Marable, Manning, et al.
The South Bronx, New York City: another northern portrait of racial divide that naturally occurred in the span of less than a century, or a gradual, but systematic reformation based on the mistaken ideology of white supremacy? A quick glance through contemporary articles on The Bronx borough convey a continuation of less-than-ideal conditions, though recently politicians and city planners have begun to take a renewed interest in revitalizing the Bronx. (HU, NYT) Some common conceptions of the Bronx remain less than satisfactory—indeed, some will still express fear or disgust, while some others have expressed the fundamentally incorrect racial ideas studied here—but others recall the Bronx with fondness, calling it a once “boring” and “secure” neighborhood.(BRONX HIST JOURNAL, p. 1) What are we to do with such radically different accounts between The Bronx of yesterday, and the impoverished borough of today? If we speak in known, contemporary cultural stereotypes, then segregation is strictly a Southern design, but natural otherwise—but to record this as a natural occurrence, no different than a seasonal change or day turning to night, would be to ignore the underlying problem. The changing role of white Americans from majority to population minority in the Bronx, coupled with the borough’s title of “poorest urban county in America” (as of 2012), is the result of careful orchestration and a repeating story of economic and political gain superseding civil rights. (GONZALES, BRONX) (BRONX HIST JOURN, HARD KNOCKS IN BRONX @ poorest note ) It is not coincidence.
Race and ethnicity is a main factor in the way we identify others and ourselves. The real question here is does race/ethnicity still matter in the U.S.? For some groups race is not a factor that affects them greatly and for others it is a constant occurrence in their mind. But how do people of mix race reacts to this concept, do they feel greatly affected by their race? This is the question we will answer throughout the paper. I will first examine the battle of interracial relationship throughout history and explain how the history greatly explains the importance of being multiracial today. This includes the backlash and cruelty towards interracial couple and their multiracial children. Being part of a multiracial group still contains its impact in today’s society; therefore race still remaining to matter to this group in the U.S. People who place themselves in this category are constantly conflicted with more than one cultural backgrounds and often have difficulty to be accepted.
Wise, T. (2012). Dear white America: Letter to a new minority. San Francisco, CA: City
Ogbar, Jeffrey. Black Power Radical Politics and African American Identity. Baltimore: John Hopkins UP, 2004, 124.
concerns racial equality in America. The myth of the “Melting Pot” is a farce within American society, which hinders Americans from facing societal equality issues at hand. Only when America decides to face the truth, that society is not equal, and delve into the reasons why such equality is a dream instead of reality. Will society be able to tackle suc...
Kivel, P. How White People Can Serve Allies to People of Color in the Struggle to End Racism. New Society Publishers, 2011. Print
Center for Study of Race, Politics, and Culture, prod. Angela Y. Davis at the University of Chicago- May 2013. YoutTube. YouTube, 1 May. 2014. Web. 10, May 2013.
Rothenberg, P. 1998. Race, Class, and Gender in the United States. New York: St. Martin's Press.
Wu, F. H. (2002). Yellow: race in america beyond black and white. New York: Basic