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Causes and effects of gentrification
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Nashville: The Cornerstone of the Sit-In Movement
Franklin McCain, Ezell Blair Jr., Joseph McNeil and David Richmond were freshmen at the Agricultural and Technical College of North Carolina located in Greensboro. On February 1, 1960, they walked to the F.W. Woolworth Company store, sat on stools meant exclusively for white customers and asked to be served. When they were denied, they remained seated until the store closed. The story of the “Greensboro Four” initiated a movement that would eventually accumulate to over 70,000 sit-in participants within the next year in downtowns all across America.1 While Greensboro did initiate the movement, it would not have been sustained without the help of Nashville, TN. By comparing and contrasting the
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sit-in movements within the cities of Greensboro, Nashville, Atlanta, and Jacksonville, is it evident that Nashville contained a near perfect culmination of the various qualities necessary to create a model for all other cities to follow. In general, the state of downtowns in the United States on February 1, 1960 was a result of racial zoning and discrimination that had been occurring for years.
In the 1920’s, investors were concerned with attracting the white, middle-class woman shoppers and repelling African American shoppers. When property values crashed during the Great Depression, white investors used racial discrimination to defend their property values rather than including those individuals to boost sales and business. By the 1950’s suburban areas were growing with white middle-class citizens and the usually poorer, nonwhite customers from nearby residential neighborhoods permeated the downtown areas. White people began to fear that the slums were taking over the prized but depleting downtown areas. According to Isenberg in her collection of studies in Downtown America, “To many downtown investors, the prospect of serving poor, nonwhite shoppers was a “nightmare”, not a vision, of future urban commercial life”.2 Racial tensions grew and propelled the urgency of white citizens to push for urban renewal (sometimes referenced as ‘Negro Removal’) in order to help dictate who should be downtown. In opposition, blacks increasingly began to demand rights and access within the downtown …show more content…
area. Specifically, Greensboro’s downtown was threatened by the migration of the wealthy, white middle and upper class to the suburbs. The City of Greensboro explained, “Both railroads and college campuses influenced the development of suburbs, as people chose to live outside the congested business district and around the colleges”. In the 1920’s, new neighborhoods in the northwest outskirts of downtown were created exclusively for white citizens. In contrast, the poorer minority populations dominated the east side slums, closer to downtown.3 As western areas further developed with shopping centers, the black population became more concentrated downtown which resulted in the downtown becoming less popular among white citizens. In the 1950’s, Greensboro was home to Guildford College, Greensboro College, Bennett College, UNCG and the Agricultural and Technical College of North Carolina, which further transformed Greensboro into a a more cultured education center for African Americans. The combination of increasing social status among educated blacks and decreasing eminence downtown promoted the white population to look for ways to utilize urban renewal to reinstate superiority through segregation. Greensboro’s location was chosen primarily for its geographic center.4 In contrast, Nashville’s location was strategically located by the Cumberland River, a natural advantage. After the Civil War, Nashville rebuilt with new growth in business and industry. Railroads, slaughterhouses, iron foundries, lumber mills and industrial facilities relating to river work surrounded the city and provided jobs for unskilled workers. Each of these facilities required cheap labor that lived nearby, erecting concentrated slums in often low land areas. Mostly immigrants and African Americans were forced to live in filthy, tight spaces within the famous slums of Hell’s Half Acre, Black Bottom and Crappy Shoot. All of which were infested with crime, disease, brothels, and dives.5 Each of these slums were intensified by the poverty of the Great Depression and became the focus of urban renewal movements in the mid-1900s. Similar to Greensboro, Nashville was an even more prominent educational center beginning the founding of Fisk University in 1866 and Vanderbilt University in 1873. Especially important for the black population, Fisk was the first free school for African Americans in Nashville. Shortly after, Meharry Medical College opened in 1876 and became the first medical school for African Americans in the country. 6 The commercial and industrial ventures in downtown Nashville pushed the newly rich white population out of the central city neighborhoods.7 Especially after World War II, Nashville experienced rapid growth as people moved out of old urban neighborhoods and into new suburbs.
This created many problems because the new suburbs enjoyed many of the city perks without paying the taxes that funded the services. The individuals of the suburbs were not provided with the services of a fire department or sewage system so they did not want to pay the same taxes as the city dwellers. Eventually, in 1962, the Metropolitan government was created and the outer neighborhoods were annexed. As a result, the outer country neighborhoods had to pay taxes, but they were lower than that of the city dwellers until they were provided with the same equal services that the city dwellers received. This new Metropolitan Government reinforced the wealthy white populations movement to the suburbs of Berry Hill, Belle Meade, Goodlettsville, Lakewood and other growing communities outside the city.8 Meanwhile, urban renewal was demolishing the homes and slums of inner-city residents. The slums mentioned previously housed thousands of inner-city residents and often had no running water, no heat, unsafe wiring and significantly lower life-expectancy rates. The government began to implement public housing, with the idea that removing the individuals from the slums and putting them into new, clean environments
would improve their lives, self-image and behavior. In 1937, Congress passed a national housing act that offered millions of dollars from federal funding for public housing projects. The urban planning and beautification movement’s push for the removal of slums was clearly evident in the Capitol Hill Redevelopment Project, which displaced 301 families and 196 single residents. Most of these residents were African American and they were forced into the low-rent public housing projects that had long waiting lists, so essentially they had no place to go.9 In response to the increasing interracial tension, in 1958, Nashville local black leaders founded the Nashville Christian Leadership Conference (NCLC). The organization headed a workshop on using nonviolent tactics to combat segregation on March 26-28 in 1958. This workshop was run under the leadership of Reverend Kelly Smith, who was pastor of First Colored Baptist Church on 8th Avenue. Theses workshops were held in the church’s basement, which eventually transformed to the NCLC headquarters.10 Shortly after, James Lawson began to transform the student body of Nashville. Lawson was born in Western Pennsylvania, but went to school in Ohio. He was imprisoned for a year because he was a conscientious objector because he refused to fight or be a part of the draft in the Korean War. After he was released, Lawson became a missionary in India, where he was deeply inspired by the nonviolent resistance teachings of Mohandas Gandhi. He returned and became a divinity student at Oberlin College in Ohio, but Dr. Martin Luther King summoned him to the South to help the Civil Rights Movement.11 He transferred to Vanderbilt University and began holding workshops in church basements downtown for students from Vanderbilt University, Fisk, American Baptist College, Meharry Medical College and Tennessee Agriculture and Industrial State University. He worked with his peers and convinced them that they could overcome segregation through righteousness and nonviolent acts. In his workshops, both black and white students engaged in role-playing exercises to train them to withstand the taunts of the segregationists and to protect them for retaliation. 12 Lawson used the philosophy of Ghandi in attempt to desegregate, but not destroy the downtown area in Nashville. In contrast, the Greensboro Four did not have training in nonviolence and were unsophisticated in their actions. In fact, they had only planned their protest the night before without elaborate preparation or community based initiative. They chose to sit in at the nearby Woolworth’s Department Store because it exploited the business of black customers at every counter except the lunch counter.13 This allowed white businessmen to utilize and oppress the black population simultaneously. The Agricultural and Technical College of North Carolina was located less than one and half miles from Woolworth’s. On February 1st, 1960, the first sit-in consisted of only four individuals. On February 2nd, the number grew to 24. By Thursday, February 4th over 300 students participated in the sit-in. The numbers continued to grow until protests were suspended for two weeks in order to allow stores time to set new policies. When they did not, the protests resumed and eventually led to the closing, rather than integration, of many lunch counters.14 It was not until July 16th, 1960 that Greensboro’s Woolworth’s finally decided to integrate the lunch counters after having lost over $200,000 of anticipated business or 20% of anticipated sales.15 Concurrently, on Wednesday, February 3rd, word of the sit-ins in Greensboro reached Nashville because of an article in the Tennessean. Reverend Douglass Moore, a minister in Greensboro and a friend of Lawson’s, called Lawson and beseeched him to get Nashville involved. That same evening, Lewis held a mass meeting with over 500 students to begin discussing and organizing how the students would get involved. On February 6th, 45 students participated in a “sympathy sit-in” for Greensboro while other students continued in training. Lawson was hesitant to start Nashville’s own sit-in movement because the NCLC did not have the funds to bail out the students who would be inevitably arrested. On February 10th, another meeting at Fisk University took place and the students argued against further delays. Lawson reluctantly listened to the students and scheduled the first sit-in to take place on February 13th. On February 12th, a meeting was held at First Colored Baptist Church with over 600 attendees to review the proper procedures for the next day.16 On February 13th, 124 activists assembled at First Colored Baptist Church and marched in pairs toward 5th Avenue. Each of the participants were assigned to one of the department stores, including Woolworth, McClellan, W.T. Grant and Kress.17 The first sit-in resulted in no arrests or casualties. In fact, Diane Nash, a participant and future activist leader, reflected, “ And the first sit-in we had was really funny, because the waitresses were nervous. They must have dropped $2,000 worth of dishes that day! I mean, literally, it was almost a cartoon.”18 The protestors were not served, white customers were stunned and eventually left in disgust, and a “COUNTER CLOSED” sign was placed on the counter before the lights were cut prior to normal closing time. 19 Five days later, on February 18th, approximately 200 individuals staged the second sit-in and once again received minimal responses from white citizens or shopkeepers. Two days later, there were 340 participants. By February 26th, the police warned Lawson that there would be arrests if more sit-ins occurred. The officer also warned that there were rumors that white thugs would react violently if the movement continued. Nevertheless, on February 27th, also known as “Big Saturday”, the sit-in demonstrators were punched, burned by cigarettes, shoved away from the counters and ultimately arrested for their participation. Under the command of Lewis, the protestors who were attacked and arrested were replaced immediately, wave by wave, until closing. The state said that activists were arrested on the charges of “unlawful conspiracy to commit acts injurious to public trade and commerce”. The individuals arrested were required to post a bond of $100 but it was quickly lowered to $5 because there was no more room left in the jail. Meanwhile, there were still over 500 individuals waiting to be arrested downtown.20 The black community rallied and offered to pay bail and support the students with money for attorneys. However, the students refused to pay the fines. Diane Nash explained, "We feel that if we pay these fines we would be contributing to, and supporting, the injustice and immoral practices that have been performed in the arrest and conviction of the defendants".21 Lawson was expelled from Vanderbilt University because of his involvement in “Big Saturday”, which sparked fear of expulsion among the students.22 However, the sit-ins did not stop.
“Gentrification is a general term for the arrival of wealthier people in an existing urban district, a related increase in rents and property values, and changes in the district's character and culture.” (Grant) In layman’s terms, gentrification is when white people move to a black neighborhood for the sake of cheaper living, and in turn, raise up property values and force black neighbors to leave because of a higher price of living. Commonly, the government supports gentrification with the demolition of public housing in areas that are developing with more white neighbors. This is causing a decreasing amount of African Americans to be able to afford to live in the neighborhood as their homes are taken away from them, forcing them to relocate. Whilst gentrification normally has negative connotations, there are several people who believe gentrification brings about “an upward trend in property values in previously neglected neighborhoods.” (Jerzyk) On the other hand, this new trend in property value and business causes those...
Another noteworthy urban sociologist that’s invested significant research and time into gentrification is Saskia Sassen, among other topical analysis including globalization. “Gentrification was initially understood as the rehabilitation of decaying and low-income housing by middle-class outsiders in central cities. In the late 1970s a broader conceptualization of the process began to emerge, and by the early 1980s new scholarship had developed a far broader meaning of gentrification, linking it with processes of spatial, economic and social restructuring.” (Sassen 1991: 255). This account is an extract from an influential book that extended beyond the field of gentrification and summarizes its basis proficiently. In more recent and localized media, the release the documentary-film ‘In Jackson Heights’ portrayed the devastation that gentrification is causing as it plagues through Jackson Heights, Queens. One of the local businessmen interviewed is shop owner Don Tobon, stating "We live in a
Older gentrification is issued onto poor black communities to increase white supremacy in the area and improve living conditions in the so called “hood.” After Older proposed his thoughts on Gentrification being an issue in colored low-income neighborhoods, he then turns to criticizing another writer with a different point of view on the issue. The author of “Is Gentrification All Bad?” in an article in the New York Times explains his views on gentrification. Older places emphasis on one of Davidson’s claim on “sweet spots” in the community saying “Davidson talks of a “sweet spot”: some mythical moment of racial, economic harmony where the neighborhood stays perfectly diverse and balanced.” (Older 358) The author does not support this claim as to being logical in his sense. Older’s views represents an opposite approach on the same issue of gentrification. In another quote “The gears are all already in place, the mechanisms of white supremacy and capitalism poised to make their moves.” (Older 358) the author speaks on how white people are over taking the poor colored communities to improve their lives, but not thinking about the consequences of the affected
"Greensboro Sit-In and the Sit-In Movement." History. A&E Television Networks, LLC. Web. 7 Dec. 2013. .
One of the first documented incidents of the sit-ins for the civil rights movement was on February 1, 1960 in Nashville, Tennessee. Four college African-Americans sat at a lunch counter and refused to leave. During this time, blacks were not allowed to sit at certain lunch counters that were reserved for white people. These black students sat at a white lunch counter and refused to leave. This sit-in was a direct challenge to southern tradition. Trained in non-violence, the students refused to fight back and later were arrested by Nashville police. The students were drawn to activist Jim Lossen and his workshops of non-violence. The non-violent workshops were training on how to practice non-violent protests. John Lewis, Angela Butler, and Diane Nash led students to the first lunch counter sit-in. Diane Nash said, "We were scared to death because we didn't know what was going to happen." For two weeks there were no incidences with violence. This all changed on February 27, 1960, when white people started to beat the students. Nashville police did nothing to protect the black students. The students remained true to their training in non-violence and refused to fight back. When the police vans arrived, more than eighty demonstrators were arrested and summarily charged for disorderly conduct. The demonstrators knew they would be arrested. So, they planned that as soon as the first wave of demonstrators was arrested, a second wave of demonstrators would take their place. If and when the second wave of demonstrators were arrested and removed, a third would take their place. The students planned for multiple waves of demonstrators.
In the Late nineteenth century the population was growing at a rapid pace. The country had people flooding the biggest cities in the country such as New York City and Chicago. These populations were gaining more and more people every single year and the country has to do something to make places for these people to live. The government would go on to create urban housing programs. These programs were created to make homes for these people to live in. At the time it provided a place for people to live but as the populations grew it became a more cramped and rundown area because of the large populations in one place. These reforms eventually led to these areas becoming dangerous, they were rundown, and it created a hole that was difficult for people to get out of.
Downs has sought to dispel myths surrounding housing policy. The first myth he debunks is the myth that all government-sponsored urban policies have failed. Downs believes that although they had resulted in greater hardships for poorer neighborhoods, the policies have given great benefits to a majority of urban American families. While he does not consider these policies to be a complete success, he refuses to call them failures due to the fact that they did indeed improve the standard of living for most of urban America. Downs also calls to our attention the effect of housing policies on the number of housing units. Starting in 1950, housing policies were aimed at ending the housing shortage until focus was shifted to low income households in the midst of the Vietnam War. To Downs, ending the shortage was important because it was affecting the American way of life. Couples were delaying marriage, extended families were living in one home, and overcrowded housing led to overcrowded local facilities, such as schools. Downs also argues that this overcrowding led to an inescapable cycle of “substandard”
After World War II returning veterans faced a shortage of affordable housing at home. The Housing Act of 1949 was passed in order to remedy the situation. Unfortunately, the act led to unforeseen complications that would exacerbate the urban crisis farther. Affordable high-rise housing built as a result of the act would force people who could afford it to move out into the growing suburbs and the poor devour the structures. As a result of displacement and previous Supreme Court decisions blockbusters would move African Americans into previous white neighborhoods which caused the movement of segregated districts within the cities to change.
Gentrification is defined as the process by which the wealthy or upper middle class uproot poorer individuals through the renovation and rebuilding of poor neighborhoods. Many long-term residents find themselves no longer able to afford to live in an area, where the rent and property values are increasing. Gentrification is a very controversial topic, revealing both the positive and negative aspects of the process. Some of the more desirable outcomes include reduced crime rate, increased economic activity, and the building of new infrastructures. However, it is debated whether the negatives overwhelm the positive. An increase in the number of evictions of low-income families, often racial minorities can lead to a decline of diversity
On February 1st, 1960, four African American college students from North Carolina A+T College, an all black college, went to be served at Woolworth’s restaurant. The restaurant was open to all customers, but only served whites at th...
Success was a big part of the Civil Rights Movement. Starting with the year 1954, there were some major victories in favor of African Americans. In 1954, the landmark trial Brown vs. The Board of Education of Topeka Kansas ruled that segregation in public education was unfair. This unanimous Supreme Court decision overturned the prior Plessy vs. Ferguson case during which the “separate but equal” doctrine was created and abused. One year later, Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King Jr. launched a bus boycott in Montgomery Alabama after Ms. Parks was arrested for not giving up her seat in the “colored section”. This boycott, which lasted more than a year, led to the desegregation of buses in 1956. Group efforts greatly contributed to the success of the movement. This is not only shown by the successful nature of the bus boycott, but it is shown through the success of Martin Luther King’s SCLC or Southern Christian Leadership Conference. The conference was notable for peacefully protesting, nonviolence, and civil disobedience. Thanks to the SCLC, sit-ins and boycotts became popular during this time, adding to the movement’s accomplishments. The effective nature of the sit-in was shown during 1960 when a group of four black college students sat down at a Woolworth’s lunch counter in hopes of being served. While they were not served the first time they commenced their sit-in, they were not forced to leave the establishment; their lack of response to the heckling...
Prior to this, I had never heard of any benefit of gentrification; rather, I had the typical preconceived notion that Freeman discusses: gentrification is a demonic force that inflicts suffering in all poor people in a gentrified neighborhood. However, reading excerpts from “There Goes the ‘Hood” encourages me to rethink my position. One of my questions from the reading pertains to the “race” part of the author’s argument. Although Clinton Hill and Harlem are both predominantly comprised of African Americans, I wonder how low-income white residents feel about gentrification. I am curious about this because a friend of mine, a white Irish, was displaced from her home in Sunnyside, Queens last summer because of increasing rent. From this experience, I think that seeing low-income whites’ outlooks on white gentry would be interesting. Furthermore, I question the validity of the author’s selection on some of the participants for his interview, particularly those whom he recruited in a conference on gentrification (page 12). One could imagine that community members who attend such a conference would hold strong opinions about gentrification. However, would not this contradict his earlier point that “the most active and vocal residents are not necessarily representative of the entire neighborhood and are likely different” (page 7) and thus undermining the integrity of some of his
Beginning in the 1960s, middle and upper class populations began moving out of the suburbs and back into urban areas. At first, this revitalization of urban areas was 'treated as a 'back to the city' movement of suburbanites, but recent research has shown it to be a much more complicated phenomenon' (Schwirian 96). This phenomenon was coined 'gentrification' by researcher Ruth Glass in 1964 to describe the residential movement of middle-class people into low-income areas of London (Zukin 131). More specifically, gentrification is the renovation of previously poor urban dwellings, typically into condominiums, aimed at upper and middle class professionals. Since the 1960s, gentrification has appeared in large cities such as Washington D.C., San Francisco, and New York. This trend among typically young, white, upper-middle class working professionals back into the city has caused much controversy (Schwirian 96). The arguments for and against gentrification will be examined in this paper.
The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee evolved from an idea to a powerful network of likeminded individuals. The idea started after the sit-in at Woolworth lunch counter in Greensboro, North Carolina; four students from A & T protested segregation by sitting at a ‘white only’ lunch counter. This inspired 15-year-old Cleveland Seller to help organize a similar event in his hometown of Denmark, South Carolina. This was the idea that started the SNCC in later years. Similar protests were organized over the coming years but students lacked the communication to coordinate until Ella Baker, who worked for Martin Luther King Jr., set up a rally on her old college campus one spring break, “over three hundred students attended the conference. Two hundred more than we expected (Seller & Terrell, 1990)” The sporadic movements came together to form the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, of which Cleveland Seller began working for in his summer of 1964. This organization evolved into a coordinating committee to a full-on grassroots organization. Although they mostly worked on lunch-counter movements they
"It's midnight, and I'm standing in "the yard" after a powerful speech at Memorial Church just a few hours ago. The night is chilly, and I unravel the sweater from around my waist and place it upon my shoulders. As I stand freezing in the yard, a steady stream of friends and associates pass by me offering "congratulations". A short time before, I had delivered the introductory speech for our Black History Month campus guest speaker, Johnny Cochran. As I stood freezing in the yard, I was humbled. Cochran's message that night was that vigilant and systemic protest has profound power and can help deliver social justice. His message rang as true as Malcolm X's call to social action from the same podium more than thirty years before. And, now, as the stars lit the yard electric, Cochran's words took me back to the first time I understood what "protest" meant to me and my sense of justice.