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European settlement law on aboriginals
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Eva Mackay’s “Unsettling Expectation: (Un)certainty, Settler States of Feeling, Law and Decolonization” investigates the impacts of indigenous land claims and how they affect the emotions of settlers. The Crown has shown no intention of upholding indigenous land claims. Furthermore, Mackay argues this idea of not giving back the land happened because of early pioneers of European settlements feeling that they had a privilege to call this “indigenous land” that is being battled over theirs. The Settlers had a lustrous illusion of certainty. Now, embedded in Law, giving back the land would cause an extreme amount of uncertainty. The Crown can’t allow this to happen because it These people who strive for certainty, do this because of the social …show more content…
frameworks that are embedded in the history of their ancestors. Mackay argues that this feeling of uncertainty disrupts this “fantasy of possession” of the non-Aboriginal people. Mackay presents us with a social prejudice concept.
We want these Indigenous people to integrate into our society and become a part of what we have built but they didn’t and it shocked a lot of settlers. These indigenous people want to create reserves and live a life of uncertainty and it causes non-Aboriginal people to judge them each and every day. This judgement comes from a social bias that is put on by the Crown to itself and protect itself from a chance of a sovereignty of their land. The Crown has created an illusion that has become a reality that we have the right to indigenous land and have the control over aboriginals and how they are governed. Secondly Mackay shows us that some Aboriginal rights have been recognized but are only partial. These rights of land always land back in possession of the Crown. Finally, the idea of settler emotion is presented by Mackay. These settlers are extremely passionate about their land because of the hard work that their ancestors did to get it. They believe that these indigenous people didn’t work hard enough, and don’t want to integrate into the society of certainty thus we shouldn’t give up the land to them. Mackay arguments flow extremely well into her analysis. Although her work displays no contradictions, it displays an incredible amount of repetition. When she argues the concept of the Crown always staying in control of the land. She uses the idea of the Crown always admitting that indigenous people live on the land, but then creating ways to make sure they always keep control of “their” land, many times. Mackay is very concise with her words. She keeps everything very short and
sweet. Mackay uses cases that have happened in the past to demonstrated to us that the Crown shown has no intentions of recompensing land rights back to indigenous people. The Crown doesn’t want to lose the certainty that they have worked to get over a long period of time and giving back the land to Indigenous people would create this uncertainty. Mackay’s evidence seems very reliable because it flows in extremely well with her arguments and her tone. “Indeed, securing settler certainty through law is a much deeper characteristic.” Mackay is conceptually trying to argue feeling as a “law” and her evidence backs this up really fluently. Guaranteeing “certainty” in indigenous land rights cases is an extremely hard thing to do. Mackay does a good job of showing us how we are led to believe we live in a world of “certainty”. Mackay’s piece is very opinionated and doesn’t have much factual evidence. She bases a lot of her arguments off of other pieces she has read and understood but she does an extremely good job of manipulating the evidence from these pieces to make her arguments seem very strong. Her point on emotions is extremely powerful because it speaks the truth. We don’t want to give up our land to Aboriginal people because it doesn’t seem right. It is embedded in our history that this is our land although its kind of ironic because we took the land from them.
This statement shows Aboriginals are inferior and have no rights or sovereignty over the land. Therefore the Europeans are superior by law to them. Lambert (2012. pg12) writes that Europeans regarded Torres Islanders and Aboriginals way of life and land use was “not being used in a fashion that European legal and property systems approved”. The information from both sources shows Europeans confirmed that land is not owned by anyone, unless there is a legal document to prove ownership therefore Europeans believed Aboriginals and Torres Islanders did not own the land even though they live there. Lambert (2012) suggests Europeans were “very liberal” compared to the Torres Islander and Aboriginals. The Proclamation 1835 was written after the Batman Deed however shows no evidence there was a treaty previously between John Batman and Dutigalla people. This also demonstrates Torres Islanders sovereignty is not regarded by the Europeans. (WC: 196). Jeff Lambert states the land was perceived as “unoccupied land” as “Aborigines demonstrated their affinity with the land in sustainability, cultural and spiritual terms” (Lambert 2012.pg 13), these actions were not
The journey for the Aboriginals to receive the right to keep and negotiate land claims with the Canadian government was long but prosperous. Before the 1970's the federal government chose not to preform their responsibilities involving Aboriginal issues, this created an extremely inefficient way for the Aboriginals to deal with their land right problems. The land claims created by the Canadian government benefited the aboriginals as shown through the Calder Case, the creation of the Office of Native Claims and the policy of Outstanding Business.
Though Coulthard’s argues that Indigenous people’s ressentiment is a valid expression of Indigenous anger against colonial practices under certain
In conclusion Thomas Flanagan is correct in his argument against Native sovereignty in Canada; through an evaluation of the meanings of sovereignty it is clear that Native sovereignty can not coexist with Canadian sovereignty. Flanagan outlines two main interpretations of sovereignty. Through an analysis of these ideas it is clear that Native Sovereignty in Canada can not coexist with Canadian sovereignty.
Razack (20020 defines the historical legacy of the “white settler society” that has dominated the legal and historical rights to land usage in relation to indigenous peoples and people of color. In addition to this problem, Razack (2002) also defines the problem of “mapping” that has allowed a primarily racist Canadian government to marginalize or remove people of color from land ownership and placement in the white hegemonic community. In response tot this, Razack (2002) proposes an “unmapping” method in which the underlying racism of Canadian legal policies can be exposed and reconstructed to resolve the problem of racism in land usage in Canada. These are the important aspects of racial identity and spatial organization that define the conflicts of racism in Canadian law and in the “unmapping” of the “white settler society” that Razack (2002) identifies throughout the
Manitoba Métis Federation, representing Métis in Manitoba, filed a claim asking for a declaration that the federal and provincial statutes, which affected the implementation of Manitoba Act provisions, were "constitutionally invalid” (Chartrand, p. 477, 1991). In Section 31 of Manitoba Act, 1870, it provided lands to the Métis people. Section 32 assured the settlers, Aboriginal or not, that their occupied lands in 1869 would not be “jeopardized” by the wave of newcomers (Sprague, 1980, p. 416). They had 2,000 documents supporting their claim that they are the rightful owner of the land (Galloway, 2013). After more than 40 years, the Supreme Court decided in favour of Manitoba Métis Federation (MMF) in its case against the Government of Canada (Galloway, 2013)....
As Vance Hughston writes “the major problem with the system for resolving native title claims is not hard to identify. It is the significant time and resources needed to resolve those native title claims which are opposed by government and other respondents” (Calma, 2009). Therefore, it is evident that the Native Title procedure needs some reforms to counteract the unjust requirements set out in section 223 of the Native Title Act 1933 (Cth). Within this section, it clearly expresses the marginal requirements imposed on the Native Title claimants – particularly subsection C. This subsection outlines the ongoing relationship that a native title claimant would have to sustain in order to be eligible for a possible trial. However, it poses many problematic and difficult situations towards the claimant, as they have to prove a continuous relationship with the land since sovereignty. In addition, section 237 of the Native Title Act states that the land mustn’t be partially or wholly extinguished by Government actions. If wholly extinguished, i.e. when claimants want areas such as “privately owned freehold land, pastoral or agricultural leases, residential, commercial, community purposes and in areas where governments have built roads, airports, railways, schools and other public works”, the
Harold Cardinal made a bold statement in his book, The Unjust Society, in 1969 about the history of Canada’s relationship with Aboriginal peoples. His entire book is, in fact, a jab at Pierre Elliott Trudeau’s idea of ‘the just society’. Pierre Elliott Trudeau made great assumptions about First Nations people by declaring that Aboriginal people should be happy about no longer being described as Indian. His goal was to rid Canada of Indians by assimilating them into the Canadian framework. Considered by many as a progressive policy, Trudeau’s white paper demonstrates just how accurate the following statement made by Harold Cardinal at the beginning of his book is : “The history of Canada’s Indians is a shameful chronicle of the white man’s disinterest,
The proud Canadian denies the fact Canada oppressed the Aboriginal peoples. The fact is that time has not been assisting in the progress of the Indigenous peoples from discrimination. “Tidings of
According to conservative conflict theory, society is a struggle for dominance among competing social groups defined by class, race, and gender. Conflict occurs when groups compete over power and resources. (Tepperman, Albanese & Curtis 2012. pg. 167) The dominant group will exploit the minority by creating rules for success in their society, while denying the minority opportunities for such success, thereby ensuring that they continue to monopolize power and privilege. (Crossman.n.d) This paradigm was well presented throughout the film. The European settlers in Canada viewed the natives as obstacles in their quest of expansion by conquering resources and land. They feared that the aboriginal practices and beliefs will disrupt the cohesion of their own society. The Canadian government adopted the method of residential schools for aboriginal children for in an attempt to assimilate the future generations. The children were stripped of their native culture,...
The "you" in Lorrie Moore's "How" is almost the completely opposite of the stereotypical roles we have assigned to men and women. "You" is assumed to be a female, mainly because of the fact that the other partner in the relationship is a male. Moore never specifies whether "you" is a female or male but because of the American view of a relationship, readers assume that "you" is a female. The narrator leaves you wondering how the characteristics of "you" contribute to the epigraph from Beckett. If the "you" is a female, then the epigraph explains why the female acts the way she does.
LaDuke, Winona. All Our Relations: Native Struggles for Land and Life. Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 1999. Print.
Indigenous Australian land rights have sparked controversy between Non Indigenous and Indigenous Australians throughout history. The struggle to determine who the rightful owners of the land are is still largely controversial throughout Australia today. Indigenous Australian land rights however, go deeper than simply owning the land as Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders have established an innate spiritual connection making them one with the land. The emphasis of this essay is to determine how Indigenous Australian land rights have impacted Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, highlighting land rights regarding the Mabo v. the State of Queensland case and the importance behind today’s teachers understanding and including Indigenous
Australia’s Indigenous people are thought to have reached the continent between 60 000 and 80 000 years ago. Over the thousands of years since then, a complex customary legal system have developed, strongly linked to the notion of kinship and based on oral tradition. The indigenous people were not seen as have a political culture or system for law. They were denied the access to basic human right e.g., the right to land ownership. Their cultural values of indigenous people became lost. They lost their traditional lifestyle and became disconnected socially. This means that they were unable to pass down their heritage and also were disconnected from the new occupants of the land.
It is to “legitimately settle – not simply occupy a particular place or to exploit its resources but to become integral to the regularities and harmonies of its dynamic systems” (Allen, 2012). As illustrated by the Centennial Fountain plaque, primitive notions of settlement were enacted through markings that unilaterally communicated dominant versions of land ownership. In a post-structural, post-colonial era we are moving to new epistemologies as a result of transnational movements and deterritorialized cultures. Rita Wong asks, “What happens if we position Indigenous people’s struggles instead of normalized whiteness as the reference point through which we come to articulate our subjectivities?” (2008). This is a powerful query and rightfully posed with regards to Canadian identity. No truthful foundation can be generated without acknowledging Indigenous realities as well as those of every other foot that graces this land. Wong discusses becoming Canadian in relation to whiteness and an alliance of those groups who were “excluded by the Canadian nation in historically specific, racialized, gendered and classed ways” (2008). If the first step is to admit that something is wrong, then Four Boats Stranded is an excellent propellant towards the next steps. As a disruption of dominant, colonial frameworks, the red and yellow, black and white boats in full view for publics to engage