“Water is the driving force of all nature.” Leonardo Da Vinci simply stated that everything we experience in the natural world could be thought of as a result of water. This idea carries over to society as well. In man’s attempt to control nature, he must control water. This problem seems evident in the city of New Orleans, Louisiana. As New Orleans grew, the water management infrastructure led to racial segregation and a disproportionate exposure to risk being distributed to people of color. Campanella’s article “An Ethnic Geography of New Orleans” provides specific details attributing the city’s water management as the source of these problems related to racial inequality.
Around the turn of the Twentieth Century, New Orleans installed a working class drainage system to reduce the risks associated with living in the low-lying swamplands, but these risks were not completely mitigated. The water management infrastructure of New Orleans allowed for urban expansion to a seemingly safe area that provided access to jobs by automobiles or streetcar. Two low-lying districts that appeared during this period were the all white Lakeview and the all black Gentilly, located on opposite sides of the canal.
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First, the district of Lakeview racially discriminated house buyers in this area.
Campanella writes, “Blatantly racist deed covenants excluded black families from the new land, and the white middle-class denizens of the front-of-town leapfrogged over the black back-of-town and settled into trendy low-lying suburbs such as Lakeview” (Campanella 2007, 704-715). The water management infrastructure created the Lakeview district. Lakeview attracted buyers of all races, yet systems of spatial segregation that emerged in the early twentieth century denied African Amercians and other minorities access to property in this part of New
Orleans. The emergence of these systems of segregation caused the diversion of the non-white workforce to inhabit Gentilly, East New Orleans, and the Lower Ninth Ward. These racist, exclusionary processes allowed for a white area of Lakeview and many ‘colored’ areas. These patterns of special segregation directly resulted from the water management infrastructure that allowed the creation of these two segregated areas. The water management infrastructure granted a differential exposure to rish between whites and blacks in Gentilly and Lakeview. Both districts lie below sea level, and the inhabitants believed the water management infrastructure of New Orleans would protect their homes in the event of a major hurricane. In Gentilly, many people lived without personal transportation. In case of an emergency, these people would not be able to escape New Orleans. On the other side of the spectrum, the inhabitants of Lakeview could afford an automobile and could flee the city if New Orleans water management infrastructure could not handle the force of the storm. Therefore, although the two segregated districts experienced the same amount of risk of flooding during the storm, Gentilly residents could not escape the city resulting in many deaths during Hurricane Katrina. In conclusion, the people of Gentilly had a higher risk than the residents of Lakeview during a hurricane because the inhabitants could not afford personal transportation for evacuation. Furthermore, the water management infrastructure of these areas caused spatial segregation and more risk for people of color who resided in the low-income district.
“Gatekeepers and Homeseekers: Institutional Patterns in Racial Steering';, is an informative article that touches upon many of the key points gone over in class. This article deals with the difference in the way blacks and whites were and are treated, past and present, by real estate agents when shopping for a new home. In the study, one can see that blacks were not treated as fairly as white people in the real estate market were. Many times the potential black homebuyers were discouraged from purchasing homes in the same areas that the agent would readily show a white homebuyer. The real estate agent played a very peculiar role in doing this. They were, in essence, the racist gatekeepers of a seemingly non-racist neighborhood. The study further goes into this issue by giving explanations and interpretation of this behavior that is seen all over the United States. From thorough examination of the article, one can come to the conclusion that the author, Diana M. Pearce, is following the “interactionist'; perspective to sociology.
Older gentrification is issued onto poor black communities to increase white supremacy in the area and improve living conditions in the so called “hood.” After Older proposed his thoughts on Gentrification being an issue in colored low-income neighborhoods, he then turns to criticizing another writer with a different point of view on the issue. The author of “Is Gentrification All Bad?” in an article in the New York Times explains his views on gentrification. Older places emphasis on one of Davidson’s claim on “sweet spots” in the community saying “Davidson talks of a “sweet spot”: some mythical moment of racial, economic harmony where the neighborhood stays perfectly diverse and balanced.” (Older 358) The author does not support this claim as to being logical in his sense. Older’s views represents an opposite approach on the same issue of gentrification. In another quote “The gears are all already in place, the mechanisms of white supremacy and capitalism poised to make their moves.” (Older 358) the author speaks on how white people are over taking the poor colored communities to improve their lives, but not thinking about the consequences of the affected
The article includes the tale of a small town near Chicago, North Lawndale. North Lawndale was a Jewish community up to the mid 1960’s when it began to integrate black people into the community. The Jewish people there were happy to see the neighborhood integrate but many others were not. Those that were not happy to see the neighborhood integrate started buying properties up and selling tem to black families at a substantial upcharge. Not only was the price of the home much higher than the value of the home, the way in which the black families were forced to buy their homes was by something called on contract. On contract was a “predatory agreement that combined all the responsibilities of homeownership with all the disadvantages of renting—while offering the benefits of neither” (The Case for Reparations, So That’s Just One of My Losses”) and left many families unable to pay the mortgages. The end results of this discrimination were debilitating to the community of North Lawndale, which is now a majority black neighborhood and a ghetto. This story may not initially sound like one of white privilege but it is when you consider the fact that white people have not historically had to face situations like this one in North Lawndale and therefore their neighborhoods have not met the same type
Charles, Camille (2003). The dynamics of racial residential segregation. Annual Review of Sociology, 167. Retrieved from http://jstor.org/stable/30036965.
Sugrue, Thomas J. (2005). The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit. Princeton University Press. pp. 47–49.
By August 28, evacuations were underway across the region. That day, the National Weather Service predicted that after the storm hit, “most of the [Gulf Coast] area will be uninhabitable for weeks…perhaps longer.” New Orleans was at particular risk. Though about half the city actually lies above sea level, its average elevation is about six feet below sea level–and it is completely surrounded by water. Over the course of the 20th century, the Army Corps of Engineers had built a system of levees and seawalls to keep the city from flooding. The levees along the Mississippi River were strong and sturdy, but the ones built to hold back Lake Pontchartrain, Lake Borgne and the waterlogged swamps and marshes to the city’s east and west were much less reliable. Even before the storm, officials worried that those levees, jerry-built atop sandy, porous, erodible soil, might not withstand a massive storm surge. Neighborhoods that sat below sea level, many of which housed the city’s poorest and most vulnerable people, were at great risk of
The downgrading of African Americans to certain neighborhoods continues today. The phrase of a not interested neighborhood followed by a shift in the urban community and disturbance of the minority has made it hard for African Americans to launch themselves, have fairness, and try to break out into a housing neighborhood. If they have a reason to relocate, Caucasians who support open housing laws, but become uncomfortable and relocate if they are contact with a rise of the African American population in their own neighborhood most likely, settle the neighborhoods they have transfer. This motion creates a tremendously increase of an African American neighborhood, and then shift in the urban community begins an alternative. All of these slight prejudiced procedures leave a metropolitan African American population with few options. It forces them to remain in non-advanced neighborhoods with rising crime, gang activity, and...
In the early 1900s, “restrictive covenants” more specifically racially restrictive covenants were legally enforceable agreements that prohibited landowners from leasing or selling property to minority groups, at that time namely African Americans. The practice of the covenants, private, racially restrictive covenants, originated as a reaction to a court ruling in 1917 “which declared municipally mandated racial zoning unconstitutional . . . leaving the door open for private agreements, such as restrictive covenants, to continue to perpetuate residential segregation” (Boston, n.d.). It was more of a symbolic act than attacking the “discriminatory nature” (Schaefer, 2012, p. 184) of the restrictive covenants, when the Supreme Court found in the 1948 case of Shelley v Kraemer that racially restrictive covenants were unconstitutional. In this particular case, a white couple, the Kraemers lived in a neighborhood in Missouri that was governed by a restrictive covenant. When a black couple moved into their neighborhood, the Kraemers went to the court asking that the covenant be enforced. In a unanimous decision, it was decided, “state courts could not constitutionally prevent the sale of real property to blacks even if that property is covered by a racially restrictive covenant. Standing alone, racially restrictive covenants violate no rights. However, their enforcement by state court injunctions constitutes state action in violation of the 14th Amendment” (Shelley v. Kraemer, 1948). Even though the Supreme Court ruled that the covenants were unenforceable, it was not until 1968 when the Fair Housing Act was passed that it become illegal (Latshaw, 2010). Even though today it is illegal, it might appear that we still have an unspoken...
The population of New Orleans was steadily decreasing, between the years of 2000 and 2005, 30,000 (6%) of the population left New Orleans in search for better lives (4). The declining population shows us that before Hurricane Katrina residence were already considering leaving the city, some push factors leading them away from the city include poverty and unemployment (5). Accord to the U.S 2005 Census Bureau around 23% of the residence lived in poverty, this can be a result of the nearly 12% unemployment rate (5). With an unemployment rate double the national standard and nearly one forth the population living in poverty, the city of New Orleans had many push factors against it resolution in a decline population prier to Hurricane Katrina. At the time of the storm nearly 400,000 residents were displaced from their homes too near by safe areas or other states. The population reming in the city as decreased to a few thousand (6). A month after the disaster when the levee breaches were repaired and the flood water was pumped out of the city, residence were allowed to return to what was left of their homes. The first reliable estimate of the New Orleans population after Hurricane Katrina was an ‘American Community survey’. The survey projected that by the start of 2006 around one third or 158,000 of the population returned. By the middle of f2006 the city
“the means by which racial segregation in housing has been maintained are amply documented. They are both legal and extra-legal; for example: racial covenants; racial zoning; violence or threats of violence; preemptive purchase; various petty harassments; implicit or explicit collusion by realtors, banks, mortgage lenders, and other lending agencies; and, in the not-so-distant past, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) and other Federal agencies” (Kain, pp289).
...r of inequality in America, with so much poverty located within such a close proximity to the White House. That being said, gentrification efforts in DC appear to be focused on removing poor people, or at the very least, the visual image of crime, poverty, and corruption as it relates to the most powerful city in the country. Community activist groups have tried time and time again to stop gentrification from affecting their community, but often times, to no avail. What is truly sad is that while this cycle is continually perpetuated as a matter of “haves versus have nots” the way in which this system seems to always disproportionately marginalize one race of people in favor of another, does raise the question as to whether or not gentrification was orchestrated to operate in such a manner; and if so, what are the affected groups going to do about it.
From slavery to Jim Crow, the impact of racial discrimination has had a long lasting influence on the lives of African Americans. While inequality is by no means a new concept within the United States, the after effects have continued to have an unmatched impact on the racial disparities in society. Specifically, in the housing market, as residential segregation persists along racial and ethnic lines. Moreover, limiting the resources available to black communities such as homeownership, quality education, and wealth accumulation. Essentially leaving African Americans with an unequal access of resources and greatly affecting their ability to move upward in society due to being segregated in impoverished neighborhoods. Thus, residential segregation plays a significant role in
Before African Americans moved to this area, Harlem was “designed specifically for white workers who wanted to commute into the city” (BIO Classroom). Due to the rapid growth of white people moving there and the developers not having enough transportation to support those people to go back and forth between downtown to work and home most of the residents left. Th...
Hurricane Katrina put a hindrance on New Orleans because the city was left with blighted properties that span from the 9th ward to the 7th ward. Blighted properties were a direct result from flooding, wind damage, and citizens that moved or were displaced by Hurricane Katrina. When the levees broke an abundance of water entered the city and caused homes and business to become flooded. When the city was under water for days it created damage, homes were crumbled to pieces and even uprooted from the ground. Flooding even caused homes to deteriorate and become inhabitable and unsuitable. Blighted properties became breeding grounds for crime, infestation of rodents and other animals, dumping of dead bodies, fires (arson), mold, squatters (homeless), and other serious health issues. These are serious challenges that the city of New Orleans must tackle.
Understanding what residential segregation is an important factor in being able to understand the concepts of the negative acts that are practiced by realtors and banks in order to further segregate individuals based of their race and/or income. According to The Color of Justice, “Racial and ethnic segregation in housing has been the result of several factors: the historic practice of de jure segregation, covert discrimination, and group choice. In the South and some Northern communities, local ordinances prohibited African Americans from living in white neighborhoods (Walker, Spohn, and Delone, 2012).” These acts of segregation are just as common as someone brushing their teeth, no matter where you may be north or south this form of segregation is in full effect all over the world. For example “In the North, many property owners adopted restrictive covenants that prohibited the sale of property to African Americans and Jews (Walker, Spohn, Delone, 2012).” Although this form of segregation may divide minorities it has become more of a personal choice.