Jayeola Gloria Apapa
HIS 121 AA
November 13th, 2015
Abelard and Heloise: The Personal is History
The mutual passion between Abelard and Heloise was very brief, yet it drastically changed the course of their lives, setting both on a path of struggle and suffering. Heloise was renowned for her intellect and extensive knowledge of Latin, logic and philosophy which, at the time, was rather unusual for a woman. Abelard, on the other hand, was one of the most influential philosophers and theologians of the twelfth century. Their enduring fame, however, rests upon the letters they wrote to each other and to others which documented their ill-fated relationship for posterity. These letters, written over a decade after their affair ended, trace
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their struggle to make peace with a life to which they did not completely consent, and they also shed light on the scholastic culture, religious life, and gender relations during the middle ages. Most of what is known about Abelard’s early life and career comes from his “Historia Calamitatum”— an autobiographical letter he wrote to a fellow monk with the aim of cheering his friend up. “There are times when example is better than precept for stirring or soothing human feelings,” he writes, “and so I propose to follow up the words of consolation I gave you in person with the history of my own misfortunes…In comparison with my trials you will see that your own are nothing, or only slight, and will find them easier to bear” (Letter 1, 3). Peter Abelard was born in 1079 in Le Pallet a few miles east of Nantes, in Brittany, the eldest son of a minor noble family. His father encouraged Abelard as well as his brothers to study the liberal arts and he excelled at the art of dialectic. Upon discovering that academic life suited him better than a military one, Abelard renounced his claims to his family inheritance and moved to Paris to study under William of Champeaux. Abelard, who was immensely proud of his intellect, became disillusioned at the Paris school; he found William’s lectures boring and his logic faulty. According to Abelard, William became hostile because Abelard was superior to him intellectually. This was the first of his many disputes with his academic peers and superiors. At the time, the main institutions of higher education were often affiliated with a cathedral or other church body, but any philosopher with a good reputation and a large following could set up his own school. Despite opposition from his former teacher, Abelard set up his own school at Melun, a favoured royal residence; he later moved his school to he moved to Corbeil, nearer Paris (Letter 1, 4). After his success in dialectic, Abelard moved to Laon to study theology with the renowned of Anselm of Laon.
Again, he was unimpressed by Anselm's teaching. In response to a dare, Abelard began to offer a series of lectures on the Book of Ezekiel. These lectures became wildly popular. Anselm’s felt his authority as head of the school was being threatened, and he forced Abelard to leave. Despite his lack of official credentials, Abelard began teaching theology, and became even more renowned throughout Paris.
In the “Historia Calamitatum”, Abelard portrays the academic community in Paris as vibrant extremely competitive, and rife with jealousy. According to him, William’s unconcealed jealousy got him the support of William’s enemies (Letter 1, 4). “Anselm,” he writes, “was now wildly jealous…and by the suggestions of some of his pupils he began to attack me for lecturing on the Scriptures in the same way as my master William had done previously over philosophy” (Letter 1, 8).
From his letter, we also sense that great importance was placed on education— especially in Latin, religion, and philosophy— during the middle ages. Being a philosopher or a member of the clergy was a prestigious occupation. Abelard had a huge following of students, and thousands gathered to hear his lectures. In short, he was a 12th century version of a modern
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celebrity. At this point in his career, had won universal acclaim for his teaching and as a result came to think of himself as the “only philosopher in the world, with nothing to fear from anyone” (Letter 1, 9). It was at this point of his career that Abelard, now at the height of his fame, encountered romance for the first time. There was in Paris at the time a young girl named Heloise, the niece of Fulbert, one of the canons, and so much loved by him that he had done everything in his power to advance her education in letters. In looks she did not rank lowest, while in the extent of her learning, she stood supreme…I considered all the usual attractions for a lover and decided she was the one to bring to my bed, confident that I should have easy success; for at that time I had youth and exceptional good looks as well as my reputation to recommend me, and feared no rebuff from any woman I might choose to honor with my love. Knowing the girl’s knowledge and love of letters I thought she would be all the more ready to consent, and that even when separated we could enjoy each other’s presence by exchange of written messages in which we could write many things more audaciously than we could say them, and so never lack the pleasures of conversation (Letter 1, 10). With the intention of seducing Heloise, Abelard convinced Fulbert to employ him as Heloise’s tutor, and in 1115 he began an affair with her. The affair interfered with his career, and once Fulbert found out, he separated them. However, they continued to meet in secret until Heloise became pregnant. Abelard sent her to live with his family where she gave birth to their son. To appease Fulbert and protect his reputation, Abelard proposed a secret marriage. Heloise initially opposed it, but the couple were married. When Fulbert publicly disclosed the marriage, and Heloise denied it, Abelard sent her to the convent at Argenteuil, where she had been brought up, in order to protect her from her uncle. Fulbert, convinced that Abelard wanted to get rid of Heloise by forcing her to become a nun, arranged for a band of men to break into Abelard’s room and castrate him as he slept. Abelard’s castration marks a turning point in his relationship with Heloise. Filled with shame at his situation, Abelard became a monk in the abbey of St Denis, and Heloise became a nun simply because he asked her to. At St. Dennis, Abelard resumed teaching and seemed to regain some of his former influence and prestige. While at the abbey, he published the Theologia. He was accused of heresy based on his interpretation of the Trinitarian dogma in his book. The papal legate convicted him of heresy without a fair trial, and Abelard was made to burn the Theologia himself (Letter 1, 27). According to Abelard, the abbey at St Dennis “was completely worldly and depraved, with an abbot whose pre-eminent position was matched by his evil living and notorious reputation” (Letter 1, 19). Abelard therefore decided to leave the abbey of St. Dennis, and he accepted an offer from the monks of the Abbey of Saint-Gildas-de-Rhuys to become their abbot. Abelard, however, regretted his decision. The region was inhospitable, and he did not understand the language and culture of the natives. In addition, the monks were hostile. Abelard disapproved of their lack of morals, and they resisted his attempts to curb their excesses and restore order (Letter 1, 34). Like in St Dennis, Abelard’s relations with the community deteriorated. The monks shamelessly stole from the abbey’s coffers, and the even tried to kill him on numerous occasions. Abelard’s letter shows the corruption that was prevalent in the Catholic Church at the time. Heloise had become head of the convent at Argenteuil, but she and her nuns werere expelled from Argenteuil by the abbot of St Dennis after he won possession of the convent.
After reading a copy of Abelard’s Historia Calamitatum, Heloise reestablished contact with Abelard by sending him a letter. In her first letter, she chastises him for not writing to her during their long separation (Letter 2, 53). Heloise also accused Abelard of not loving her: “It was desire, not affection which bound you to me, the flame of lust rather than love. So when the end came to what you desired, any show of feeling you used to make went with it. This is not merely my opinion, beloved, it is everyone’s” (Letter 2, 53). In one of her letters, she writes very frankly about her sexual frustration.
In my case, the pleasures of lovers which we shared have been too sweet— they cannot displease me, and can scarcely shift from my memory. Wherever I turn, they are always there before my eyes, bringing with them awakened longings and fantasies which will not let me sleep. Even during the celebration of Mass, when our prayers should be purer, lewd visions of those pleasures take such hold of my unhappy soul….Even in sleep I know no respite. Sometimes my thoughts are betrayed in a movement, of my body, or they break out in an unguarded word (Letter 4,
69). She emphasized her commitment and devotion to him by writing that she would have followed him anywhere, even to Hell (Letter 2, 54). For her, Abelard came first and God was a distant second. It is obvious from Abelard’s response to Heloise’s letters that he had no romantic feelings for her at this point in their relationship. To him, Heloise had become his “dearly beloved sister in Christ” (Letter 3, 56). He viewed his castration as an act of mercy on God’s part in order to save both of their souls (Letter 1, 9). “So intense were the fires of lust which bound me to you that I set those wretched, obscene pleasures, which we blush even to name, above God as above myself; nor would it seem that divine mercy could have taking action except by forbidding me these pleasures altogether, without future hope” (Letter 5, 81). His letters to Heloise become increasingly impersonal, and he even complains about her bitterness at the fact that they were both forced into religious against their will (Letter 5, 79). Their correspondence also reflects medieval Christian perspectives on the genders. Unsurprisingly, Abelard appears to be someone who thought very little of women, and sometimes he writes to Heloise in a rather condescending manner. He viewed his sexual relationship Heloise as sinful and impure as well as the cause of his downfall (Letter 1, 9). He also frequently refers to women as weaker and inferior to men. Heloise also conforms to the medieval view of women as agents of destruction. “Is it the general lot of women,” she writes, “to bring total ruin on great men? Hence the warning about women in Proverbs: ‘But now my son, listen to me, attend to what I say: do not let your heart entice you to her ways….she has wounded and laid low so many…He who is pleasing to God eludes her, but the sinner is her captive” (Letter 4, 67). From his letters, it is cannot be concluded that Abelard never loved Heloise. He had gone through the humiliating ordeal of his castration and was living in a precarious situation at the time the letters were written. He had definitely changed from the hugely successful philosopher whose intention was to seduce Heloise. On the other hand, it is clear from her letters that Heloise still loved Abelard passionately.
"...If then true lovers have been ever crossed...as due to love as thoughts, and dreams, and sighs..." (1.1. 152, 156)
Lawrence creates a sarcastic tone throughout his essay to exhibit Hester’s iniquitous behavior. He utilizes the biblical story of Cain and Abel to describe how “this time it is Mr. Dimmesdale who dies [while Hester] lives on and is Abel” (Lawrence). Lawrence mocks Hawthorne’s depiction of Hester by calling her Abel, which is ironic because Abel was the victim of the story. The sarcastic tone portrays Hester as a complete divergence to Abel, who was faithful to God and trustworthy. This tone also urges the readers to examine Hester and conclude that she goes not have these morally good characteristics like faithfulness and trustworthiness. Lawrence claims that placing Prynne on the scaffolding and exploiting her sins will “[become] a farce” (Lawrence). His mocking tone underscores the severity of adultery, which Hawthorne falsely describes Hester’s transgression as a “farce”. Lawrence’s use of sarcasm implies that her sins were substantial and grave. This conveys to the readers that Hester is a deplorable character and was portrayed wrongly by
This poem dramatizes the conflict between love and lust, particularly as this conflict relates to what the speaker seems to say about last night. In the poem “Last Night” by Sharon Olds, the narrator uses symbolism and sexual innuendo to reflect on her lust for her partner from the night before. The narrator refers to her night by stating, “Love? It was more like dragonflies in the sun, 100 degrees at noon.” (2, 3) She describes it as being not as great as she imagined it to be and not being love, but lust. Olds uses lust, sex and symbolism as the themes in the story about “Last night”.
Abelard was a well-known figure of the twelfth century that taught dialectic philosophy. Abelard was in his late thirties when he first met Heloise in Paris. And it was her knowledge and gift for writing letters, which was so rare in women at the times that attracted Abelard to her. Heloise was the niece of one of the Cannons. She was about seventeen when she met Abelard; this was not considered a big deal for back then it was pretty common to have big age difference in marriages. Heloise was considered atypical because women were rarely educated at all back then. She was strong willed and she had a pretty good sense of logic and this is what brought them together. Heloise struck a deal with Heloise's uncle to educate her and gained full access to her pleasures. Their relationship encompassed the maximum in personal freedom. "Her studies allowed us to withdraw in private, as love desired and then with our books open before us, more words of our love than of our reading passed between us, and more kissing than teaching. (Radice 67). Later Heloise became pregnant and Abelard could not successfully sidestep the rules of the society because the society of a time just wouldn't accept a premarital sexual affair.
Peter Abelard was one of the new thinkers that applied scholasticism to his theological aspects. According to the excerpt "Scholastic thinkers assumed that some teachings of Christianity, which thy accepted as true by faith, could also be demonstrated to be true by reason" (238). Peter Abelard's famous literary work was Sic et Non (Yes or No). He collected a list of about 150 philosophical and theological questions. He then produced quotations from the Fathers [Church] on one side, and on the other side their contradictory statements. From this work he used rational argument to discover truth. He believed that through reason, man could gain a greater knowledge of God. His greatest achievement was dialect, he created a new method of logical analysis. "Although he never intended to challenge the Christian Faith, Abelard raised, with critical scrutiny, fears that the dialectical approach would undermine faith and foster heresy"(238). His goal was to simplify theological works to logical analysis. A Cistercian monk, later known as St. Bernard of Clairvaux, opposed Abelard's logical views. Because of St. Bernard, Abelard was forced to quit his teachings, shortly after he died in 1142. Ideally, Abelard wanted prospective thinkers to search for the underlying truth about Catholicism....
The relationship between Peter Abelard and Heloise failed to be established with strong bonds between the young couple, allowing lust to be the sole, capricious foundation of the relationship. Peter Abelard was a 12th century philosopher who after beginning to lecture on the Scriptures began to gain more notoriety throughout France and much of Europe. This newfound fame soon developed into conceit, Abelard thinking himself “the only philosopher in the world” (Historia Calamitatum 9). This attitude gave way to a lifestyle of flesh, prostitutes, and inability to focus on philosophy. Peter Abelard met Heloise, a young woman with great promise of being a student, while traveling through Paris (9). Rather than establishing a relationship based on a strong foundation, Abelard bases his interest on Heloise through more extraneous factors; Abelard bases ...
While many people can spend too much time focused on others and not their own needs, “Sex Without Love” by Sharon Olds fails in its attempt to rectify such behavior. The poem’s claim that pleasure should be one’s sole focus and that each person is ultimately alone in the world do not answer all of ____________.
In this brief monograph, we shall be hunting down and examining various creatures from the bestiary of Medieval/Renaissance thought. Among these are the fierce lion of imperious, egotistical power, a pair of fantastic peacocks, one of vanity, one of preening social status, and the docile lamb of humility. The lion and the peacocks are of the species known as pride, while the lamb is of an entirely different, in fact antithetical race, that of humility and forgiveness. The textual regions we shall be exploring include the diverse expanses, from palace to heath, of William Shakespeare, the dark, sinister Italy of John Webster, and the perfumed lady's chambers of Ben Jonson and Robert Herrick.
Regardless of how terribly Abelard declared he treated Heloise, she obviously deeply loved him. He recounts that she felt that “only love freely given should keep me for her, not the constriction of marriage ties, and if we had to be parted for a time, we should find the joy of being together all the sweeter the rarer our meeting were” (16). Abelard also had quite a large following of students for someone who treated others so terribly. Even when he lived in the wilderness of Troyes, his followers came and lived around him so that they could learn from him (28). Since Heloise, a highly intelligent woman, and his many educated students felt he was someone worth spending time with, it would come to reason that Abelard is not nearly as bad of a person as he is portraying. Why, then, does he depict himself in such a terrible manner? It appears that Abelard might be seeking penance, but from whom? He never outright addresses this, which would seem to refute the idea that it is an apology. So what is this letter, then? In the final pages, he begins to speak on how righteous men should not bemoan trials set before them by God (43). In a way, he is saying that he has repented and is now living a righteous life. By naming his enemies and drawing their attention to this text that reads like an apology to an unidentified person, he is essentially telling them how they must repent by
Published in 1761, Jean Jacques Rousseau’s revision of the legend of a famous pair of medieval star-crossed lovers, Heloise and Abelard, titled (Julie, ou la nouvelle Héloïse) Julie, or the New Heloise : Letters of Two Lovers Who Live In A Small Town At The Foot Of The Alps (referred to as Julie while naming the novel and JOTNH in in-text citations from now on) was extremely popular as well as controversial due to its transgressive content, notably the intense love affair between a young noble woman and her tutor. Although this is the primary theme of this epistolary sentimental, the language of sentiment and virtue serves as vehicle for Rousseau’s ideas on many topics such as politics, family, marriage, nobility, education, religion, morality,
sexual imagery as a rhetorical tool to arouse the reader. The result of this is congruent emotions within poet and
He doesn't need her to be frantic at God. Heloise says that she just turned into a pious devotee in light of Abelard. She needs to know "Why, after our entrance into religion, which was your choice alone, have I been so dismissed and overlooked by you that I have neither a word from you when you are here to give me quality nor the reassurance of a letter in nonattendances". This statement demonstrates how Heloise is head over foot sole areas for her sweetheart Abelard. Abelard is the special case that can make her upbeat or pitiful and she'll do whatever Abelard needs her to
When the concept of love and passion come up in literature, oftentimes the immediate reaction of a reader is one of identification or distance with the work. Love and passion are intimate and thus difficult to render universally in the external world, with the ineffectiveness of language, social and cultural impasses, and a multitude of other issues creating an “otherness” to the literary representation of the love/passion phenomena. The representation of love however, often hides within subtleties that transcend social constructs, or even perceived reality. In Jeanette Winterson’s Written on the Body, we are exposed to, as the book cover explains “love stripped of all of its cliché’s and categories” through ornate metaphor in a real and gripping manner. But also the effectiveness lies within Winterson’s deconstruction of societal and ideological views, which demonstrate how the unconscious impressions of modern ideology regarding love and desire cause immense conflict within one’s self, leading to a passionate anxiety, or also repression of desires through objectification of memory, as the fulfillment of our desires inevitably leads to the expression of mortality, e.g. all human emotions, even love, come to a logical end.
The act of sex is one that has puzzled philosophers for centuries and for good reason. It is a complicated subject that has had many different definitions and parameters throughout history. Alan Goldman holds that “sexual desire is the desire for contact with another person’s body and for the pleasure which such contact produces; sexual activity is activity which tends to fulfill such desire of the agent” (Soble, 83). Greta Christina, through her many personal experiences and multiple re-examinations of her supposed sexual encounters, does not think she or anyone else can truly define what is sex (Christina, 26-30). In a different angle, Alan Soble has difficulty producing an accurate, all-encompassing definition of masturbation, despite six attempts (79-82). These three great minds, and many
According to Chartier, there is evidence that the author served a functional role in the reading of texts in Medieval Europe (31, 59). Foucault acknowledges that in the Middle Ages, anonymous authorship of “literary” texts was common, while the veracity of scientific texts was judged by the authority of the text’s author (31).