Salvador Allende Gossens rose to power in 1970 as the President of Chile. First, he won 36 percent plurality of the election, but this was not the majority needed to be guaranteed presidency. The next step was to negotiate the terms for his approval as president with the Chilean Congress. He was approved but had to make some adjustments to the constitution to prevent a Soviet Union-like society from emerging. These changes included wage increases for low wage workers while free, freedom of assembly, freedom of the press, and other basic freedoms. (Cold War Reference Library) Allende was decidedly the best candidate for the election as he was the only one who could “bring together the groups necessary to win the election.” This included the …show more content…
Propaganda was cheap and widely used by the CIA to criticize the Soviet Union and global communism while supporting US-style democracies. This included the establishment of assets in Chile that were willing to do what the US wanted, and the funding of establishments that would criticize the Allende administration and/or support US propaganda. The most prominent of these media outlets was the newspaper called El Mercurio. The funding of media sources by the US continued even during Allende’s presidency, aimed at decreasing his popularity and coaxing a revolution, uprising, or overthrow. (US Congress, US Covert Action in Chile) Another form of interference was the funding of opposing political parties that would prevent a socialist government from emerging. One such example is the CIA spending of 2.6 million dollars in support of the Christian Democratic candidate for the presidential election of 1964 in Chile. (US Congress, US Covert Action in …show more content…
To combat the nationalization of industry, the 40 Committee - a sub-cabinet level of body of the executive branch which reviewed covert plans - provided “$24,000 as emergency support for an anti-Allende [business] organization.” (US Congress, US Covert Action in Chile) I think the CIA’s wide access to money only emphasizes a growing economic gap (in world trade) between the Global North and the Global South at this time as the US was overflowing with money and Chilean people were starving from lack of basic needs. US President Richard Nixon ordered the CIA to orchestrate a military putsch in the fall of 1970 to try and disrupt the flow of the Allende bureaucracy. This plan came to be known as Track II and involved the abduction of Chile’s commander in chief, General Rene Schneider. On October 22, the men in charge of this plan shot Scheider and the next day, Schneider died in a hospital from multiple gunshot wounds. The plan had gone astray. (Peter Kornbluh, Showdown in Santiago: what really happened in Chile?) The CIA then provided the gang with $35,000 to flee Chile and keep silent about the operation. However, this did not mark the end of the program. Thomas Karamessines, a superior officer in the CIA’s Directorate of Operations, states: “what we were told to do was to continue our efforts. Stay alert, and to do what we could to contribute to the eventual achievement of the objectives
At first, the working class heavily supported Allende's campaign. A new movement of younger worker influence occurred during this time period, allowing Allende to accomplish many of the things he did. For instance, in the Yarur factory there was the "strike of 1962" which was the workers rebellion to the new Taylor system of the new generation of workers. They also rebelled because of the "union question" which revolved around three things: job security, free unions, and the elimination of the Taylor system. These were all things that Allende promised to fix, so naturally after a 9 week strike the people of the Yarur factory supported Allende and the promises he gave. All the workers in the Yarur factory were also deeply affected by the characteristics of postwar Chile: "dependency and stagflation, economic inequality and social inequality, the concentration of wealth and the persistence of poverty, the hegemony of the rich and the powerlessness of the poor" (54). These characteristics were the reasons that the working class suffered in Chile, as well as the...
The first turning point in hope for the Chilean road to socialism was that of the election of Salvador Allende as president, which gave many Yarur workers the belief that a ‘workers government’ was on their side. “For the first time, a self-proclaimed ‘workers government’ ruled Chile, dominated by the Left and pledged to socialist revolution” (Winn, 53). Allende’s role as president gave identity to the Yarur workers that they were being represented and because of this, their struggles of working in the factory conditions set by Amador Yarur would come to an end. This identification with Allende as being represented by their own voice became the first stepping-stone to the demand for socialization of the factory. “The election of a ‘Popular Government’ was a signal for them to take the revolution into their own hands and fulfill their historic aspirations through direct action from below” (Winn, 140)....
Salvador Allende promised to redistribute Chile's income (only two percent of the population received forty-six percent of the income), nationalize major industries (especially the copper companies), and to expand relations with socialist and communist countries. Allende's presidency presented a threat to the United States; a man with such aspirations would have to stray from United States policies and the policies of all other countries. Allende would neither respect nor consider the work the United States had done for them in the past. The United States would no longer be able to act as a parasite, sucking the money out of Chile. The U.S. decided it must stop this man from rising to power as soon as possible.
On June 25, 1821, Simon Bolivar wrote to the General Congress of Colombia stating, “may the Sovereign Congress accept, in the name of the brave men whom I have the honor of commanding, the homage of an army tried and true, the greatest and finest ever to bear arms on any battlefield in Colombia…Your Excellency’s most humbler servant.” By 1821, Gran Colombia had proclaimed its independence from Spain, with Simon Bolivar (1783-1830), a Venezuelan statesmen and military leader, becoming its first president. The region, previously known as New Granada, had decided to forever sever ties with the Spanish Empire after a series of battles beginning in 1810. Yet, formal political liberty and independence, although common in the minds
Texas in early 1836, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna and his main force of at least 5000 men followed an inland route toward San Antonio. At the same time, Mexican General Jose Urrea with some 900 troops, left Matamoros and followed a coastal route into Texas.
Higgins' book begins with a brief review of the way United States presidents dealt with Latin America during that era. It starts with President Franklin D. Roosevelt leasing Guantanamo Bay and President Dwight D. Eisenhower invading Guatemala in Operations Fortune and Success, which became the model for President John F. Kennedy's Bay of Pigs operation. The book provides more in-depth information on how Eisenhower's tactics and plans set up the invasion of Cuba, which was later altered, modified, and approved by President John F. Kennedy. The book addresses how the United States intervened around the world to combat communism. The United States focused specifically on Latin America, indicating the imperialistic mentality of the United States during that era, which I believe continues to this day.
Kennedy proposed this cooperative program to replace prior failing efforts of the United States to aid Latin America. The intended alliance marked a shift toward a policy of expanded U.S. economic assistance to Latin America in the wake of Fidel Castro’s successful Communist revolution in Cuba. The United States was fearful of a communism spread due to the poverty and social inequities of the Latin American nations. The U.S. felt that the southern continent was ripe for violent radical political upheaval, which would eventually bring forth the spread of communism.
Pablo Escobar, one of the most powerful, fearful and wealthiest man in history. Escobar was listed by Forbes magazine as the seventh richest man in the world in 1989. Born in the ghetto of Medellin, one of the largest city in Colombia, Escobar started his criminal career off as a small time gang member and a car thief. His small time crimes wouldn't compare for what he had in store. In the late 1970's Escobar and his Medellin cartel became one of the most dominate crime organizations in history. The cartel consolidated the cocaine industry, basically making it a monopoly, controlling as much as 80 percent of cocaine worldwide.
Third world countries became the perfect battleground for cold war proxy battles during the early 1940’s to late 1990’s. United States wanted to flex its political muscle and try to curtail the spread of Soviet Communism in the developing nations. Most of the nations in developed world had already made their political and socio-economic stand regarding the form of governance and leadership pursued. Underdeveloped nations in Asia, Latin America and Africa were still vulnerable and easily influenced in terms of ideologies and political direction. Most nations in Latin America like Chile were recovering from colonialism and thus logistic, economic and political aid from powerful nations to propel their economies which made it easy for Americans and Russians to act as their “saviors’”. The quest for global dominance had intensified between United States and USSR and the shift was focused to developing nations like Chile. Both Americans and Russians used different mechanisms to enhance their propaganda and support the regimes which were friendly to them and used any means necessary to topple hostile regimes. CIA used covert operations in Chile and most of the Latin nations to plant their puppet leaders in order to safeguard their foreign policy interests and maintain dominance. Military coups and social unrests were planned, orchestrated and executed with the assistance of CIA. The research paper tries to critical analyze the impact of the cold war on Chile and influence of United States.
Diego Maldonado, a member of the famous Spanish conquistador Hernando Cortez’s exploration team, made contact with an Aztec priest known as Ehecatl during the course of Cortez’s Spanish Conquest. This conquest was funded by the Spanish Governor of Cuba, Diego Velazquez, who had sent previous failed missions to the Yucatan (Palfrey). The two met after a very important Aztec religious celebration, during which human sacrifice occurred.
Juan Manuel Santos is the best candidate to speak at the University of Virginia’s graduation ceremony. He won the 2016 Nobel Prize "for his resolute efforts to bring the country's more than 50-year-long civil war to an end". He is the current president of Colombia and brought . He shows qualities of leadership, confidence, communication, and good representation, all are which we want to exemplify in our students graduating.
Pedro Vizcaíno (b. Havana, Cuba, 1966). He graduated from San Alejandro Academy of Fine Arts and the Higher Institute of Art, both in Havana. He was founder of Grupo Arte Calle. Throughout his career his work has been exhibited at museums and galleries in the U.S. Spain, Cuba, Mexico and Poland. Recent exhibitions include, “Atopia” (Center of Contemporary Culture of Barcelona, 2010) and “Wild Child Grafitti” (Figarelli Contemporary. Scottsdale, AZ, 2008). Vizcaíno’s work is part of major collections such as, Nina Menocal Collection (Mexico), Lowe Art Museum (Miami), Museum of Contemporary Art (North Miami), DACRA (Miami Beach), Museum of Latin American Art (Long Beach, CA).
The military dictatorship promoted free enterprise and the creation of a new entrepreneurial class, but Chile saw little economic improvement. Pinochet’s regime caused unemployment, decreased wages, and in turn Chile suffered lower standards of living within the middle and lower classes. After a heavily controlled vote in 1980, a new constitution was adopted and Pinochet’s term was extended by eight years. The constitution forbid a transition to civilian government during this term and established a referendum at the end of the term to dictate Pinchot’s second term. Economic and political instability ensued in late 1980s, with increasing pressure for governmental change. A coalition between leftist and centrist parties formed the Command for No (Comando por el No) and then on October 5, 1988, voters rejected Pinochet. Negotiations commenced between Command for No and the government for constitutional changes that national referendum later approved in July of 1989.
Conflict, and compromise. What is it? It is a problem, and a solution, in which our (Evan and I) topic claims. Our topic is about Salvador Allende, the president of Chile from 1970 to 1973, and what he did as a president. He was a socialist president, and this caused problems, but this also created solutions. Chile had problems with inflation and malnourished children and people trying to overthrow Allende. Allende didn’t pay attention to the negative people, and mainly focused his idea of socialism on the working, middle class.
Later leaders emphasized more social spending for education and antipoverty measures. They also pursued closer economic ties with North and South America and constitutional reforms to reduce the military's political influence. Under these reforms, Chilean presidents are no longer permitted to serve two consecutive terms and they are allowed to fire military commanders. In 2006, Chile elected its first female president, Michelle Bachelet, whose father died in prison during the Pinochet era and who, as a Socialist Party leader, was temporarily imprisoned herself. Her government continued the work of previous center-left governments to expose the fate of and compensate the families of those who disappeared or had been tortured during the Pinochet regime. Pinochet died in 2006 without acknowledging his alleged role in the disappearances. Bachelet was reelected in December 2013, after three years of right-wing rule by President Sebastián