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Role of theory in social science research
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As many scholars from around the world are studying political sciences and a large number of work is related with political science, a debate has been rising and taking place on whether or not they are legitimate, and if so in political or/and science. Can we consider them political and/or scientists? If not, how can one consider their work? Can one give any meaning to why they are studying or working in this particular domain? Should the word science and scientist be reconsidered as many tend to think that politics is a soft science, meaning not reliable or with an inconstant method, while others argue that looking through its epistemology, politics has its own and righteous place in science hence adding that although being considered a soft …show more content…
However when referring to political sciences, Roy Bhaskar argues ‘it is the nature of the object that determines the form of its science’ (From Hay, Colin (2002) Political Analysis: A Critical Introduction, Chapter 2, ‘What’s ‘Political’ About Political Science’, The limits of naturalism, p.85). Thus, science has been separated in two distinctive class: ‘soft science’ and ‘hard science’. Taking in account that everyone is part of the same world, the ‘hard’ scientists will study molecules, geology, physics, mathematics… whereas the ‘soft’ scientists will study politics, economy, cultures, societies…. Nevertheless most ‘hard’ scientists, which can also be referred to as natural scientists, will argue that the two sciences are taking part in two different worlds. This is mainly due to the fact that “the nature of the ‘economic’ and the ‘political’ is different after Keynes and Marx in a way that the ‘physical’ and the ‘natural’ is not after Newton or Einstein” (From Hay, Colin (2002) Political Analysis: A Critical Introduction, Chapter …show more content…
If so, are the scientists constituting the worlds or world using the same methods? Evidently to be considered a science as seen before one has to have a regular method with experiments and results independent to the time and place, which also need to be repeatable. Jared Diamond in ‘Soft sciences are often harder than hard sciences’ explains how “the task of operationalizing is inevitably more difficult and less exact in the soft sciences, because there are so many uncontrolled variables” as well as no such thing as a lab in a socially, politically and culturally continuously changing world. Howbeit, the naturalists would argue that there is a “unity of method between the natural and social sciences” (Bhaskar, 1989: 67). In addition, the positivists argue that there are no fundamental differences between natural and socially constructed world. They use the same tools and logic in the same manner through the use of ontology, epistemology and methodology. In the socially constructed world the scientists observe behaviors of political actors and through different setting observe what could be referred to in the natural world as an experience. Their goal as scientists is to explain and predict the world that surrounds them by discovering laws that occur over and over. To do so two methods can be used: induction and deduction. The principle of induction is explained in Hay’s Political Analysis, where “reality does indeed presents itself to
Furthermore, to think that science is immune to the power establishment, one must assume that it is in no way affected by government or companies with money to spend. This, like the assumption that science is neutral, is also incorrect. In order for a scientist to be funded in his research, he must submit proposals to those power establishments that have money. These powerful companies and governments will only fund those projects they deem important to their interests and goals. In this way, science is extremely political in its effort to obtain money and support because it must please those power establishments who are, by nature, political.
When discussing the new science of politics laid out in the Federalist papers, it is imperative to understand that proponents of the Constitution had various reasons for writing these papers, not the least of which was convincing critics that a strong central government that would not oppress but actually protect individual freedoms as well as encouraging the state of New York to agree to ratify the Constitution.
This can take a turn for the worse: if scientists have to have their work follow what politics, religions, and people believe, we might limit what science stands for. Religion and politics should never have control over science, instead they should use science to help explain their own goals. Science should be used as a way to challenge old beliefs and help clear out fact from fiction. At the same time though, science should challenge itself so it can stay true to its main point of challenging old dogmas, as Carl Sagan said in his article.
- Look over scholarly articles, books, etc and determine what respected political scientists would have done
Earlier Science was treated as an institution but now, it includes many things like "scientific experiments, "theories" etc. The authors argue that this knowledge should viewed in terms of "socially constructed" and not the one known as "scientific truth". This article points that in the social constructivist view, the 'science' it is just another system of knowledge which contains empirical researches and studies. It is basically concerned with what is "truth", how it has emerged, accepted and explained in social domain. ...
Political efficacy refers to the degree in which an individual believes he or she has an ability to influence the government (Chan 2014). The decision to engage with politics is usually a result of one’s attitudes towards participation, in the sense that there cannot be a political action without some prior thought about a political issue. One of the common attitudes related to political participation is political efficacy (Caprara et al., 2009). Political efficacy is individual's faith and trust in government and their belief that they can understand and influence political affairs. it is commonly measured by surveys and is used as an indicator for the broader health of civil society. When an individual has low efficacy, he does not have faith in his
When someone enters an art gallery, they believe they are going to view art, but under the guise of Institutional Critique, this notion often false. Instead of being the traditional art of painting, sculptures, and installations, viewers encounter, in the work of Hans Haacke, Daniel Buren, and Michael Asher in the 1970s, not much to look at, but a lot to think about. In essence, Institutional Critique is a protest against museums/galleries demanding them to view art and art exhibition in new ways, exemplified by Conceptual art where words, video, readymades, and even ideas are art. Institutional Critique manifested from the protests of the 1960s, one of which philosopher Michel Foucault participated in Paris, 1968. Clearly, Institutional Critique gathered its raison d’être from these protests and imported them into the gallery space, but these protests continue today in the Occupy movements, highlighting Institutional Critique’s lasting impression and influence. Some key elements of Institutional Critique are site-specificity, its lack of commodification, WHAT ELSE. To understand Institutional Critique better, it is necessary to analyze the early works in this methodology through the works of Hans Haacke, Daniel Buren, and Michael Asher, but all other these works use the methodology to analyze different aspects of the art institution, but these uses of Institutional Critique cohesively display the main aspect of the methodology: protest. After all, Conceptual art is an avant-garde movement that in essence is a protest against mainstream art forms. Adding Michel Foucault’s “A Lecture from Power/Knowledge” to the discourse will further highlight the aspects of Institutional Critique, but also display its current relevancy to the Occ...
Aristotle, Locke, and Hobbes all place a great deal of importance on the state of nature and how it relates to the origin of political bodies. Each one, however, has a different conception of what a natural state is, and ultimately, this leads to a different conception of what a government should be, based on this natural state. Aristotle’s feelings on the natural state of man is much different than that of modern philosophers and leads to a construction of government in and of itself; government for Hobbes and Locke is a departure from the natural state of man.
In his article, Democracy as a Universal Value, Amartya Sen asserts that democracy is a universal value. In order to develop his argument Sen needs to state his definition of democracy and define what he means by universal value. In the course of Sen's argument he gives his view of the relationship between democracy and the economy. He then defends his view of democracy as a universal value against a main argument that deals with cultural differences between regions.
I am not sure that political scientists, or the American public, would be convinced that the “accumulation of knowledge” alone constitutes science. In my opinion, this is exemplified by the terms hard and soft science. Hard and soft science rely on the scientific method and the “accumulation of knowledge.” The difference between the two lies in precision and objectivity. Political science does use the scientific method and has seen improvements in methodology which has increased precision in the field. Yet, I am not sure that it is possible for the political scientist to divorce themselves completely from their biases. These biases can affect the objectivity of the study. Political science being a so called soft science makes me rethink the idea that political science is a science. Soft science seems to be a lesser science, or maybe even a non-science. In reality, I think that political science is absolutely scientific, but I am not sold on the concept that it is science. I would have liked to have seen Riker ([1940] 1993) address these concerns more fully as this seems to be a more difficult question with bigger implications for how the field is viewed, than the simple idea of the “accumulation of
Sociology of Scientific Knowledge is a relatively new addition to sociology, emerging only several decades ago in the late 1970’s, and focuses on the theories and methods of science. It is seen as a notable success within the fields of sociology and sociology of science. In its infancy, SSK was primarily a British academic endeavor. These days, it is studied and practiced all over the world, with heavy influences in Germany, Scandinavia, Israel, the Netherlands, France, Australia, and North America.
The issue shall discuss the various differences between science and other types of knowledge and discuss the argument whether the science can rely without the separate theories posted by non-scientific educational bodies. ...
Popularization of science is nothing else than an endeavour to image scientific ideas in such a way that everyone (especially non-scientists) can grasp the fundamental concepts and have an idea of what science in essence is. Of course, no one really knows what 'science' is, not even the scientists themselves. Philosophers trying to describe what the scientific method could be and others trying to put down what the scientific method should be, found out (it took them a lot of time) that there is nothing like the 'one and only' scientific approach. The impossibility to give a distinct and unique definition follows. Nevertheless, the phenomenon 'science' and its results do exist. Although nobody can tell exactly what 'science' is all about, everyone should have an idea anyway. The question at stake here is whether this is possible and, if so, to what extent.
Some define History as science due to its approach on analysing facts and the use of all resources in the aim of finding an answer while others claim it is merely an artistic study of the ages. J.B Bury claimed “History is a science, no more and no less”, in a time just after dramatic changes had been made to the approach of analgising History as he represented many people in the Victorian generation and their want in a more factual basis of history. Throughout the nineteenth century we saw calls from the people for a more accurate understanding of the past. Jared Diamond claims historians “receive little training in acknowledged sciences and their methodologies.” Many schools and philosophers are of the opinion that history is not a science, due to its lack of ability to provide definite answers. However many argue there are many similar methodologies used by both practices, along with similar end goals of perhaps learning from past mistakes to counteract future and current problems . It will be difficult to come with a definite answer in this essay whether history is a science as it has been debated by some of the top historians of our century such as Edward Carr. By using sources from Carr and other top philosophers and historians I will aim to outline the meaning of history and science, the similarities in the two, along with the differences. I will also outline the fine line between the subjects as part of my analysis in an aim to come up with as structured of an answer as possible on a very complex topic of debate.
Political scientists study the origin, development, and operation of political systems, and complex social organizations. They research political ideas and analyze governments, policies, political trends, and related issues. A political scientist is different from a political philosopher who explains theoretically the consistency of power, its acquisition and its proper use to preserve it. Political scientists are also different from politicians who are the practitioners of the public administration and holders of power. Thus, the political scientist is fundamentally an analyst and researcher of how political philosophers and politicians shape the human societies through their actions and ideas as reflected in policies and structures of power.