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Rousseau's view on human nature
Fairness and equality
Introduction on Rousseau
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What is Rousseau's argument against Thrasymachus? What, in particular, does Rousseau think Thrasymachus gets wrong? Rousseau’s argument against Thrasymachus is that being the strongest means having the right to be in control; however, for him, being the strongest is not really a right. Rousseau argued that the strongest could have their “right” (that is, strength) and transform it to be their right, which they can use to their own advantage against other people. Nevertheless, men are born with inalienable rights (such as liberty) that cannot be taken away from them except by force. But how about “obedience into duty”? Is it always the case that when one obeys, he is performing what he should do? Then, by extension, the strongest is his own slave, despite having slaves other than his own self. Rousseau also tried to refute what Thrasymachus might consider force being equal with physical power and its effect on the will. With force, no person is acting out of duty, but out of coercion, which opposes the will. But is it ever so to defy a greater force and still be exempted from punishment? If that is the case, disobedience could be thought as legitimate. If the strongest can use force and disobedience to make themselves right, there is no reason why they should not only aspire to become much stronger than ever before. In particular, Rousseau thought that Thrasymachus got it messed up when the latter equated right with force, such that when force fails, how can then force be ever a right. Thus, right being tantamount to force is purely nonsense, that is, for Rousseau. Inferably, Rousseau admitted that only legitimate powers ought to be obeyed. But what is legitimate power? Where does it come from? If it all comes from God, how can w... ... middle of paper ... ...free as before” even when they are subject to the State. In view of the legitimate and illegitimate governments, power could corrupt. Initially, legitimate government exists because the majority has the motive that it should be so. However, when those in power advance their interest more than the collective, they turn out bad. This is because if they become illegitimate, it is because they breach the general will with their own will. It is their self-interested will other than the ones they serve that make them corrupt. They use the general will to advance their own interest because they already hold power – and being blind by it, strive to have more power for their own advantages. Thus, for Rousseau, it is never wrong to revolt against illegitimate governments when the general will is no longer in force because corrupt individuals have turned it for their own use.
... the general will and the laws. As a result, minority groups in Rousseau’s body politic lay exposed to the threat of oppression by the will of the majority. We can grasp how this design for government can easily come to resemble totalitarianism more than democracy.
...eing mandated for protection. Rousseau’s conception of liberty is more dynamic. Starting from all humans being free, Rousseau conceives of the transition to civil society as the thorough enslavement of humans, with society acting as a corrupting force on Rousseau’s strong and independent natural man. Subsequently, Rousseau tries to reacquaint the individual with its lost freedom. The trajectory of Rousseau’s freedom is more compelling in that it challenges the static notion of freedom as a fixed concept. It perceives that inadvertently freedom can be transformed from perfectly available to largely unnoticeably deprived, and as something that changes and requires active attention to preserve. In this, Rousseau’s conception of liberty emerges as more compelling and interesting than Locke’s despite the Lockean interpretation dominating contemporary civil society.
Western political philosophers have focused their thoughts towards addressing the role of individuals in their large and complex societies. Some, like Thomas Hobbes, argue that individuals need to be under tight control and are better off when living in a society ruled by an absolutist sovereign.[1] According to him, peace and order can only be maintained if power is centralized by a sovereign under a social contract.[2] Jean Jacques Rousseau, on the other hand, believes that “man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains”,[3] but he considers that a social contract should be established to protect the civil rights of the people.[4] In the Social Contract, he introduces the idea of the general will, or the idea that the will of the people
Hobbes views were more dark, and sinister. While Rousseau’s views were bright, and uplifting. I thought Hobbes claims were more realistic, because there is proof of what happens to a civilization without a government. Rousseau believed that we should “find and innate goodness and compassion within each of us and to build a society on that goodness” (Pojman, 117). Which is good in theory, but for this to work, everyone would have to be good hearted and according to Rousseau, after living in a society, you are no longer good, because society corrupted you. He contradicts himself a lot and he did not offer any valid points on why society takes away from someone’s goodness. Except, the fact that owning property was bad, and people should not own land, but he did not explain why it was bad. All in all, I chose Hobbes, because his points made the most sense and he has evidence. He talked about humans being a machine, and we have involuntary motions (breathing, our blood moving through our body, eating, and sweating), and voluntary (speaking, moving our body parts, and walking). These things make us machines, and because machines just do what they are programed to do, like humans are. He understood this and new that we were programed to be a certain way. He understood, what humans were really capable of and that is why he was go terrified of their not being a government. He knew that we were programed to survive, and will do anything it takes to survive. But, people also get greedy, and jealous and want what is not theirs. This is what makes humans evil, the lust for other things, and the constant want for more. So, I do agree with him, because deep down we have our instincts. The instincts make us run like machines, when we need them. Every single person, if they have a will to live or self-worth, will do whatever it takes to
In a time when revolutions were occurring as a chain reaction around the world, a lot of thinkers argued about whether their end would be productive to the society or not. In Rights of Man, Thomas Paine reasons why these revolutions, American and French Revolution specifically, were necessary in terms of freedom and equality among the people. As an idealist he believed that every human has the right to be free and that it is absurd for nations to form immortal laws to govern generations to come. He believes that “that immortal power is not a human right, and therefore cannot be a right of parliament.” He goes further on to reject Mr Burke’s ideas that hereditary government is a necessity because of man’s corrupt nature by arguing that man has natural born rights and by entering a compact they produce a government. Right of Man show us that because of its existence man has natural rights, from which civil rights arise, and that the two form the basis of a just government compared to tyrannical and unjust aristocratically ruling that was going through Europe.
In this essay, I argue that Rousseau’s religion preference would be the most compelling one in the 21st century. Rousseau has an interesting, unique, and subtle view on religion in politics. I would examine my arguments by presenting the differences between Burke’s religion as the basis of civil society, Rousseau’s civic religion, and Marx’s religion as an impediment to communism. In the end of the essay, I am hoping to prove that through these various perspectives on religion in politics that Rousseau’s perspective would be the preferred choice to ensure and defend the safety of the laws.
Rousseau came to the conclusion that the best way to examine the inequality in society is to examine the beginning of mankind itself. He tried to imagine the early state of man assuming there was ever actually a state where man existed only with the nature, in a solitary, and primitive lifestyle. He did not however revert as far back to the idea of the Neanderthal man to examine the ideas man held and where they came from. Instead, he looked at a state where man looked, and seemed to have the same physical abilities as he does today. Rousseau also concedes that a time where the ideas of government, ownership, justice, and injustice did not exist may not have ever existed. If what many religions tell us is true, then, in mans beginning, he was from the start, handed down laws from god which would influence his thinking and decisions. Through this, the only way such a period could come about would have to be through some catastrophic event, which would not only be impossible to explain, but consequently, impossible to prove. Therefore, imagining this state could prove not only embarrassing, but would be a contradiction to the Holy Scriptures.
In "Of Passive Obedience," Hume chastises those who endorse at length the maxims of resistance. Disloyal acts are considered to be immoral because they strike us as being contrary to preserving order in society. The desire to preserve peace and order in society, for self-interest, motivates people to obey authority. We are, thus, to regard disobedience towards authority as something to be avoided. Hume writes,
...ion with the general will. This may sound like a contradiction but, to Rousseau, the only way the body politic can function is by pursuing maximum cohesion of peoples while seeking maximum individuation. For Rousseau, like Marx, the solution to servitude is, in essence, the community itself.
At this point, Rousseau carries forward some of Locke’s ideologies in that Locke argued the natural law is an innate and inadvisable right of men. However, Rousseau does not remain at the same level of thought, instead, he tries to go beyond Locke’s idea of the natural right. According to Rousseau, in order for men to have social relations, they have to give up certain freedom, which logically means, underlying beneath Rousseau’s ideas, there are possibilities that men’s freedom could be strangled. Through establishing his own reasoning of the social contract, Rousseau tries to eliminate this
First, I outlined my arguments about why being forced to be free is necessary. My arguments supporting Rousseau’s ideas included; generally accepted ideas, government responsibility, and responsibility to the government. Second, I entertained the strongest possible counterargument against forced freedom, which is the idea that the general will contradicts itself by forcing freedom upon those who gain no freedom from the general will. Lastly, I rebutted the counterargument by providing evidence that the general will is always in favor of the common good. In this paper I argued in agreement Rousseau that we can force people to be
One particular aspect of Rousseau’s theory that the prompt criticizes is Rousseau’s naivety in regards to how human beings act when push comes to shove in reality, rather than in the abstract world of theory. Rousseau’s proposal that man is naturally good and yearns to live in a state of harmony fails to properly acknowledge that by doing so, man is putting himself in a position of uncertainty. This uncertainty lies in regards to whether his peers will act in a same manner or use his inaction to capitalize for their own personal gain. In his text, Rousseau describes the fall of his perceived natural utopian state of mankind as occurring when “The first person enclosed a plot of land, took it into his head to say this is mine” (Rousseau,44). The particular situation that Rousseau describes can be analogized as a prisoner’s dilemma situation. In this situation, all of mankind could default on taking any action for personal gain and all live in harmony; however, the first person who decides to reach out and go against the norm, for personal gain, stands to profit more than those who choose to remain idle. Rousseau’s theory acknowledges this occurrence as a singular event that altered the course of human nature, whereas Locke acknowledges that this uncertainty is persistent amongst human beings in every aspect of their
Rousseau and Burke are both critics of traditional social contract theory and previous notions of political freedom, yet the basis for these criticisms are derived from drastically differing justifications. In this essay I will show how Rousseau’s account of authority is obedience to oneself, and how that leads to political freedom. Then I will compare this account to Burke’s conception of authority as obedience to tradition, and the freedom that results from submission. Finally, I will show that Rousseau’s account of political freedom is more compelling by considering both theorists’ works in the context of historical and contemporary issues.
Ironically, the general will reflects the real will of a person in society. By definition, the general will is always right. The general will is the overriding good people are willing to sacrifice for equality amongst society, including various private wills. Overall, a "good citizen" conforms to society's laws a goodness and wisdom exceeding his own goodness and wisdom”. Therefore it is quite common for a person to mistake their wanted will and which he truly wills. The “good citizen” is able to distinguish his own will from the general will. People whom refuses to comply with the general will is then forced. Rousseau believes that if a person wants to be generally good, the rulers can make them good. Rousseau thus reviewed the political society and states that he wants man to use society to liberate themselves and serve the will; ultimately relieving their corruption and mistaken perception form
The aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid aforesaid Rousseau plans on learning professions based solely on the fact they will fulfill his affection to be wanted. This affection combined with the others are additive to create the “unique” Rousseau we are led to believe exists. Paradoxically, Rousseau’s love and ventures to be similar to other people and things creates in him the self he speaks of that is “like no other in the whole world” (Rousseau, Pg 18).