Robyn Bourgeois Role Of Human Trafficking In Canada

Robyn Bourgeois (2015:1433) argues that Canada’s history of settler colonialism plays a large role in the government’s participation in the human trafficking of Indigenous women and children. She explains that human trafficking has become crucial to maintaining the domination of Indigenous peoples and their land throughout historical and contemporary forms of colonialism. Bourgeous’ article (2015:1433) examines how Canadian laws, policies and definitions about human trafficking enable the trafficking of Indigenous women and children. Furthermore, she explores Indigenous women’s theories on human trafficking by identifying and describing Canada’s history of colonialism via residential schools, land theft, and legislation such as the Indian Act.

SUMMARY, ARGUMENT, SUPPORT OF POINTS RAISED
Bourgeois (2015:1434) provides Canada’s legal definitions of trafficking and exploitation as described under the U.N. Palermo Protocol:
The Palermo Protocol’s goals are to protect and assist victims of trafficking and/or exploitation by implementing policies and programmes to prevent and combat trafficking of persons. However, Criminal Code provisions tend to focus on coercion, exploitation and abuse in trafficking cases, which is problematic because it fails to notice any other means of trafficking such as deception and/or abuse of power. The Criminal Code’s narrow definition creates loopholes in the system, which leads to traffickers being able to escape charges (Bourgeois 2015: 1436-1438). That being said, the Palermo Protocol and Canada’s Criminal Code Provisions are used as guidelines for Bourgeois to explain Canada’s responsibility in the trafficking of Indigenous women and children.
Bourgeois interviewed Pauktuuit Inuit Women of Canada who suggested that Indigenous women are more vulnerable to being victims of human trafficking because of several social factors such as racism, sexism, poverty, unemployment, lack of education, inadequate housing, mental illness, substance abuse and involvement in violent relationships or institutions. These women explain how colonialism is deeply embedded in all of the factors listed above, which heightens their likelihood of being targeted for human trafficking because of colonial racist and sexist stereotypes of the “squaw or dirty, immoral and deviant indigenous femininity” (2015: 1440-1442). Indigenous women face gendered and racialized stereotypes in health, justice and social services systems, which leads to a shortage of support when seeking help (Bourgeois 2015: 1443). Bourgeois (2015) argues that colonialism contributes to why Indigenous women and children are more vulnerable to human trafficking. Furthermore, she asserts that colonialism contributes to the states involvement in the trafficking of women and children due to the lack of response from the criminal justice system.

Bourgeois (2015:1448) states that Indigenous women and girls are seen as less of victims due to hierarchies of race and gender, which devalues and marginalizes them in society and in the eyes of the Canadian state. She found that colonizers create social identities such as dominant white men, promiscuous indigenous females, savage indigenous men and white women who need protection in order to maintain hierarchy and domination. Therefore, very little is implemented to protect indigenous women from violence because they are devalued. In fact, the lack of response from the state enables, normalizes and justifies the domination and violence of indigenous women and girls. Gendered and racialized hierarchies place low value on the lives of indigenous women and girls, which further supports Bourgeois’ argument that the lives of Indigenous women and girls are incessantly devalued. Stephen Harper’s unwillingness to investigate the disappearances and deaths of indigenous women and girls across Canada is used to support Bourgeois’ argument that Indigenous women and girls’ lives are degraded compared to their white counterparts.
Bourgeois (2015:1449-1451) found that Canada’s demand for Indigenous land and resources requires the human trafficking of indigenous women and girls in order to secure colonial land, domination and control. Colonial governments purposefully created the reserves on resource-poor lands in order to increase Indigenous participation in the capitalist economy and increase their dependency on the government. This is a form of human trafficking because “land theft, forced relocation and confinement enables the exploitation of Indigenous lands and resources for the personal gain of white settlers and the colonial capitalist economy” (Bourgeois, 2015:1451). She supports this point by explaining that land theft, relocation and confinement puts Indigenous nations in poverty, which is a characteristic of human trafficking and therefore increases Indigenous women and girls likelihood of being targeted. That being said, her findings suggest that the Canadian state is involved in the human trafficking of these women and girls.
Bourgeois (2015:1458-1460) briefly examines the Indian Act, which was an important tool that enabled the trafficking of Indigenous people by the Canadian government.

The Act excluded Indigenous peoples from their communities, implemented identity provisions and targeted Indigenous females by reducing and eliminating their access to resources such as education, housing and childcare. In turn, this puts them in an impoverished situation. Bourgeois noted explicitly sexist policies within the Indian Act such as, “if an Indian woman married a man outside of her band, she was forced to move to his band and her status would be conditional. Furthermore, her status would be revoked if she married a non-Indian man. The Act would not permit status to Indian women whose husbands died” (Bourgeois 2015:1456). These point support Bourgeois’ argument because the Indian Act authorizes poverty and isolation, which consequently increases the vulnerability of being trafficked for Indigenous

females.
ALTERNATIVE ARGUMENTS
Another possible argument that Bourgeois could have implemented into her article is how intersectionality is embedded in the policies and practices of the Canadian State. Perhaps a general inquiry about the way multiple inequalities intersect to form a system of oppression could have been implemented in Bourgeois’ study in order to explain how interlocking categories impact women’s everyday lives as victims. Furthermore, an analysis of how the state oppresses ethno-racial groups on the basis of race, class, gender and age would provide a better understanding to how the state is involved in the trafficking of Indigenous women and girls.
Additionally, an interpretation of cultural, political, economic, social, and educational institutions could have been included to further support Bourgeois’ argument about the Canadian state’s involvement in the trafficking of Indigenous females. These institutions shape our knowledge about history, laws and policies, as well as how mainstream, dominant culture influences our understandings of gendered and racialized groups. According to Chan and Chunn (2014:28):
“when racialized women are man report being criminally victimized, police and other legal agents are less likely to view them as “real” victims compared with their white counter parts.”
Thus, Bourgeois (2015) could have used definitions of real victims versus undeserving victims to support why the Canadian state provides little to no response for crimes against Indigenous females.
CONCEPTS
Bourgeois explained the ways in which Canada’s state is involved in the human trafficking of Indigenous females through by examining colonialism, state laws and definitions, land theft and legislation.
Bourgeois could have included more concepts to better support her arguments such as multiculturalism and intolerance.

For example, Bourgeois explained that colonialism is deeply embedded within our policies and practices, yet Canada is a country which claims that diversity is a necessary part of the Canadian society. She could have explained that if Canada is supposedly multicultural, then why is it that such policies and practices reveal the unwillingness to provide equal opportunity to racial groups. Nevertheless, Bourgeois (2015: 1443) did explain that Indigenous females face discrimination in health, justice and social services systems. Although some health care institutions have made the effort for anti-racist approaches, “the reinforcement of biases and stereotypes are barriers to incorporating these initiatives into health care” (Chan and Chunn, 2014:45). Therefore, Bourgeois could have elaborated on the ways in which racism and sexism shape the experiences and outcomes of Indigenous

females.
STUDY EXPECTATIONS
The study turned out as Bourgeois expected because the main goal of this article was to reveal the Canadian government’s complicity in trafficking. Her study ensured that readers obtain a concise understanding of white settler colonialism. Bourgeois demonstrated how the Canadian state historically and contemporarily is involved in the trafficking of Indigenous females by using the states own legal definition of human trafficking and exploitation against them. She examined the lack of response and inaction taken towards crimes against Indigenous women. Furthermore, she demonstrated how the state enables actions of violence and trafficking while also heightening the vulnerability of Indigenous females.
INTERESTING POINTS
Bourgeois’ (2015:1456) explanation of the Indian Act’s overt sexist exclusions for indigenous females’ status stood out to me because to this day, a lot of people are extremely ignorant to what the Indian Act entails. I believe that a lot of people think that Indian status means that Aboriginal people receive free money from the government and don’t have to pay tax on items- but it is extremely important to know how Canada oppressed Indigenous peoples through legislation, land theft and colonialism in order to better understand the issues that racial groups have faced and still continue to encounter on a day to day basis.
CONCLUSION
Bourgeois’ article raises significant points about how the Canadian government is involved in the trafficking of Indigenous women and girls. By thoroughly explaining Canada’s legal definition of human trafficking and exploitation, Bourgeois effectively demonstrates state actions and policies contribute to Indigenous women’s vulnerability to trafficking. In addition, Bourgeois could have used more concepts such as multiculturalism, intersectionality and intolerance to better support her arguments. Moreover, an analysis of real victims versus undeserving victims provide a better understanding of the government’s inaction to Indigenous women and girls as victims. It is important to note the relevancy of Bourgeois’ argument because our society often dismisses the ways in which colonialism is embedded into our laws, policies and practices.