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French canadian nationalism
Essay on quebec nationalism
Quebec nationalism essay
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The notion of Quebec nationalism is far from a new concept and is ever present in Quebec. Yet, one can argue the modern push for independence had been sparked by the Richard Riots in 1955. Michael Farber recounts the hockey based events leading up to the infamous riot, stating that at the time from a cultural perspective that French and English relationships had deteriorated preceding the events and they have never been worse. Farber further suggests that one of the major factors in the rioting was due to Richard’s iconic significance to French Canadians. He elaborates that nationalist feelings were amplified by Richard’s suspension, as it was given by an Anglophone Commissioner, known for his anti-French sentiment, only reinforced the fans' feeling of victimization. (Farber, …show more content…
Michael. 1999) Interestingly, in Russell Field’s review of Charles Forans’ biography on “The Rocket”, Field dispels some factual errors in the theory correlating The Richard Riots to the modern nationalism movement. It is stated that Richard never voiced desire to express nationalist significance.
Moreover, Richard is referred to as a reluctant hero. It is further elaborated that Richard he never openly supported the Quebec sovereignty movement, and his family refused to allow his coffin to be draped in the fleur-de-lys (Russell Field, 2012). The text L’affaire Richard analyses multiple factors (cultural, social, physiological, etc.) of the rioting actors to determine the ultimate motivations behind the riot. Thus rather than simply opting to explain the phenomena as the reemergence of the subdued notion of nationalism, the media is the primary belligerent in creating the frenzy that ensued. Thus, what is ultimately suggested is that the media pushed the nationalism movement in suggesting Richard’s suspension to be symbolic of the oppressive English Canadians. The Richard Riot was thus not so much a political statement as it was an abuse of power by the local media. (Duperreault, Jean R., 1981.) Other academic writings once again is portray the media as a prominent player in the nationalist movement. Yet, unlike the aforementioned text, the effects being evaluated are based after the death of
Richard. Moreover, the text provides analysis for the continuous divide between Quebec and English Canada. To this day the French media continues to use Richard as a symbol for Quebec nationalism and the English media for the most part seems in accordance. Ultimately, it is suggested that media constructs (as previously mentioned by Duperrault’s) using Richard to find meaning and perpetrate Nationalist discourse. (Ramos, Howard, and Kevin Gosine. 2001)
The Oka Uprising was initially a peaceful protest over the expansion of a golf course on Mohawk territory that turned violent after Quebec’s provincial police, the Sûreté du Québec, responded to the protest with tear gas and flash-bang grenades, eventually escalating to a gun battle between protesters and police. Years after the stand-off, revisionist military historians have praised the Canadian military for avoiding bloodshed because of their “personal commitment [and] calm and attentive approach to native reality,” in which they ought to be commended for “carrying the burden of peace” (Conradi 548). However, Robinson rejects this notion and instead proposes a re-imagining of the Oka conflict through the “adjustment” of First Nations people who fought at Oka with the “bombing of the last Canadian reserve” (Robinson 211). Through “carrying the burden of peace” the Officers are given the power to destroy any semblance of Indigenous tradition, such as the potlatch, and to violently corral all First Nations people to sectioned off “Urban Reserves”. By disrupting popular Canadian perception of law enforcement Robinson succeeds in creating a dystopian image of corrupted power that allows readers to sympathize with the subjection of First Nations people of
Louis Riel, even today, remains one of the most controversial figures in Canadian history. He was a political and spiritual leader of the Métis of the Canadian Prairies who sought to preserve Métis rights and culture as their homelands came progressively under the Canadian influence. The circumstance of his death had lasting political ramifications in Canada and was opposed by many. His trial is arguably one of the most famous in Canadian history, and the question as to whether it was unjust is a topic of debate. Louis Riel
“René Lévesque's Separatist Fight." CBC News. CBC/Radio Canada, 13 Feb. 2014. Web. 14 Apr. 2014.
To answer this, one must address the severity of the crisis, as well as the degree to which the War Measures Act would alleviate the situation. This proves to be an unexpectedly difficult task, as it is impossible to accurately capture the zeitgeist of such a turbulent time period without being subject to bias. However from a purely objective standpoint, the evidence clearly identifies that there was no insurrection, nor was one likely to take place. Trudeau relied heavily on galvanizing the risk that the FLQ posed to the Canadian public. However, this came to be a detriment to his case when the supposed danger was discredited. According to most authorities, the FLQ “was a collection of scattered, radical grouplets who communicated amongst themselves with great difficulty and apprehension”(Conrad et al). It is of course, rather difficult to carry out widespread insurrection without a cohesive unit to do so. Trudeau’s speech relied heavily on the notion that the FLQ posed a greater threat than they realistically did, and by the end of the crisis it was clear that his claims were null. However, Trudeau did not operate alone in his endeavors. The crisis was rapidly escalated in scale by local and national media alike. The media “Fed the notion of a hydra head conspiracy, unknown, unknowable, but of course infinitely dangerous”, an error that almost did more to aid in the FLQ’s influence over the country, than it did to call in any sort of justifiable action (Bothwell, 447-50). This combined with rumors of Quebec dissolving their government due to the “severity” of the situation, a rumor that was initially reported to be started by Trudeau (although it was enforced by numerous parties”) in order to gain the support of the public for the actions he was preparing to take (Clement). It is generally agreed upon that War
Although Quebec is in Canada, a majority of Quebecers do not identify with the national identity of Canada. Both societies create a sense of identity as well as nationalism (Hiller, 295). Hiller mentions two approaches to assessing Canadian identity; the unitary approach and the segmentalist approach (Hiller, 277). The unitary approach suggests that society consists of people who regardless of their ethnic back ground, identify as belonging to the national society, while the segmentalist approach concentrates on groups and communities that share racial, linguistic, occupational, or cultural similarities (Hiller, 28). While most Anglophones are more unitary or pan-Canadian, Quebec heavily identifies with the segmentalist approach. This dissimilarity of identity perspective may be problematic for the country, at the same time however, it can also be viewed as a struggle where contradictory parties find a way to compromise and reshape Canadian society together (Hiller, 277). Canada’s former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau made it his objective to unite Quebec with the rest of Canada. In 1969 Trudeau’s government implemented Bill C-120, otherwise known as the Official Language act, which made French an...
...to identity with at least one of the countries predominate languages, English or French, dictated the degree in which they could participate in Canadian life. According to the Commission, this participation was real under two conditions: “that both societies, the French-speaking as well as the English-speaking, accept[ed] newcomers much more rapidly than they have done in the past; and that the two societies willingly allow other groups to preserve and enrich, if they so desire, the cultural values they prize[d]” (RCBB Book 1 xxv). It creates an interesting take on the acceptance of those “othered” groups, as change was necessary not only on the part of the minorities but also from Canada’s French and English-speakers. The Commissions work remains focused on language and culture, more so than ethnicity amongst a bilingual, bicultural and “othered” Canadian society.
Many Francophones believed that they were being discriminated and treated unfairly due to the British North American Act which failed to recognize the unique nature of the province in its list of provisions. Trudeau, with the aid of several colleagues, fought the imminent wave of social chaos in Quebec with anti-clerical and communist visions he obtained while in his adolescent years. However, as the nationalist movement gained momentum against the Provincial government, Trudeau came to the startling realization that Provincial autonomy would not solidify Quebec's future in the country (he believed that separatism would soon follow) and unless Duplessis could successfully negotiate (on the issue of a constitution) with the rest of Canada, the prospect of self-sovereignty for Quebec would transpire. His first essay (Quebec and the Constitutional Problem) explores
Mob violence was a persuasive feature of the Revolutionary War in every port city, particularly Boston. These mobs, which were often described as motley crews, were central to protests and ultimately played a dominant role in significant events leading up to the American Revolution. Throughout the years, leading up to the American Revolution, many Americans were growing tired of British rule and thus begun to want to break free from Britain and earn their own independence. Some of these Americans, out of anger, madness, and in defense of their rights, began terrorizing towns, sometimes even to the point of paralysis highlighting grievances and concerns that the common man couldn’t say with mere words. These groups would then be absorbed into a greater organization called the Sons of Liberty. With the use of violence and political strategy , these radicals defending their rights, struck terror into anyone opposing them but also carried out communal objectives ultimately pushing for change which was a central theme for the American Revolution. It will be proved that these men through their actions not only were the driving force behind resistance but also proved to be the men who steered America toward revolution.
To decide what to do after Quebec separates, First Ministers and the ROC, must first look at why it happened. Perhaps Quebec's profound nationalism and unique national identity conflicted with citizens in the ROC; in order to gain understanding of their decision the ROC must look at Quebec's past. Quebec was not always treated fairly nor where they given many rights in regards t...
This following article explains the point of view that people are rebelling against Quebec’s language police. This rebelling can be seen as a threat, and therefore will be used as a point of threat, and the impacts that it has on the language in Quebec.
Taras, D. (2001). Power and betrayal in the Canadian media (2nd ed.) Peterborough, ON:Broadview Press.
Canada is known by outsiders to be a very peaceful country. But if you ask any Canadian they well tell you that is unfortunately not the case. For there is a large ongoing conflict between Canadians. The conflict is between the French and the English, or more specifically between Quebec and the rest of Canada. As a result of this conflict, along with some wrongdoing and propaganda. Quebec has considered and has gone as far to hold referendums over Separatism (Surette,2014). Separatism is that the province of Quebec separates from the rest of Canada to form its own country. Which would have immense effects on indubitably Quebec but also the rest of Canada (Martin, 2014). This report will focus on the root causes and origin of Quebec Separatism, the current state of Quebec Separatism and finally how we as a society can act towards Quebec Separatism.
government, t. p. (n.d.). Quebec Nationalism - Quebec History. Faculty.marianopolis.edu. Retrieved May 27, 2012, from http://faculty.marianopolis.edu/c.belanger/quebechistory/events/natpart4.htm
When 10,000 people mobbed the outside of the Astor Place Opera House in 1849, over 20 people were left dead and 100 injured, including military and townspeople. A botched attempt by rioters resulted in action by a higher force. “In the midst of this scene of clamor and outrage, was heard the clatter of a troop of hose approaching the scene. ‘The military—the military are coming!’ was the exclamation of the crowd” (Account of the Terrific and Fatal Riot, p.p. 6). The events of this night caused society to take a closer look into how the setup of government was affecting the people. The Astor Place Riot changed American society’s outlook on how citizens should be treated.
First off, the last thing Nasser and the Free Officers needed after the coup was a resurgence of the Wafd or problems of any other parties such as the communists or Muslim Brotherhood. At certain points during the coup and later dealing with the British, the Muslim Brotherhood and communists worked in conjunction and were even partially represented with the RCC (Thornhill 905) primarily due to the resentment for the current regime. To solve this however the Free Officers had to play it careful, it started out by keeping Ali Maher as prime minister, who talked of how the Free Officers involvement would only be brief and elections would soon be reinstated. This gave the British the idea that order was being kept in Egypt and Maher was for the most part in control, because of this the British wouldn’t see as much of a need to storm into Egypt and risk inciting anti-British riots.