Rhetorical Analysis An “Un-American Bill”: A Congressman Denounces Immigration Quotes Congressman, Robert H. Clancy in his speech, An “Un-American Bill”: A Congressman Denounces Immigration Quotas elaborates on how the Johnson-Reed Act was un-american and treated the immigrants of America poorly. Clancy’s purpose is to persuade congress, and the people voting to not vote for the Johnson Reed Act. He adopts a sentimental tone to tell the people the history of the immigrants and what they have done for us to the people of congress, and the voters. Clancy supports his argument of racial discrimination in the Johnson-Reed act, by appealing to ethos by talking to actual immigrants that have immigrated to Detroit and personal stories, pathos by …show more content…
using personal stories and strong facts to convey the audience feelings, and logos by using war facts and other statistics. Clancy begins his speech by acknowledging that immigrants did/do a lot for our country and the Johnson Reed act will eliminate the great things they do for America.
Robert Clancy, is a very creditable speaker because he talked to actual immigrants, is a congress man, and has past personal experience. He went around Detroit talking to immigrants of multiple descents including: Jewish and Polish, he asked about past experience to get multiple statistics from them. Clancy said, “I wish to talk the liberty of informing the House that from my personal knowledge and observation of tens of thousands of Polish Americans living in my district in Detroit…” This was important what he said not only for an ethos standpoint, he can also feel their emotions about thus topic, instead of reading online. It was important for the writer to talk to the immigrants to get a first hand experience and for him to get more emotion pulling …show more content…
stories. Clancy next establishes great pathos, by having his own personal experiences, and having meaningful facts that will provoke emotion. Clancy conjects “Italians formed about 4 percent of the population of the United States and they formed 10 percent of the American Military force. Their casualties were 12 percent….” Clancy did an astonishing job by provoking emotions here, by using a race to represent the immigrants, how many fought in the war to make it relatable, and the casualties to bring out emotion. He also added, “I learned more of the spirit of American history at my mother’s knee that i ever learned…,” he is being very relatable in this, anyone's mom could have taught them of American history, and it is an immigrant that taught him too. This goes to show that just because you aren’t and U.S. native you can still show support through many things in our country. Finally, Clancy uses strong facts with personal sources, and personal knowledge to stress why the Johnson Reed act is un-American for the immigrants living in America, but also for the immigrants wanting to migrate to America.
Clancy exclaims that the jews of detroit are good citizens and help to strengthen our community, he says, “They rapidly become Americanized, Build homes, and make themselves into good citizens.” The Polish immigrants are very loyal to our country, by serving in wars for us building us houses, for many years, according to Clancy “The Polish-American are as industrious and as frugal as loyal to our institutions as any class of people who have come to shores of this country in the past 300 years.” These strong facts about the immigrants help the people of Congress and the voters to draw a picture of how important these immigrants are, and what they are willing to do for this country that some Americans probably won’t even
do. Clancy supports his argument of racial discrimination in the Johnson-Reed act, by appealing to ethos by talking to actual immigrants that have immigrated to Detroit and personal stories, pathos by using personal stories and strong facts to convey the audience feelings, and logos by using war facts and other statistics. Clancy was trying to persuade the people of Congress, and the voters that the Johnson Reed Act was un-American, and that the immigrants of America are more than worthy to be here.
Eugene V. Debs, the United State’s most influential union leader and avid socialist gives light to many issues including presidency, systems of society, and most importantly the unemployed in his speech “The Issue”. Debs was imprisoned in the 1890s for illegally encouraging a railroad strike, he also was sentenced to 10 years for his discouragement to the United States’ involvement in World War I. Debs has been a remarkable figure in the socialist party and had influenced so many. In Eugene Debs’ speech, Debs’ uses rhetorical appeal to relate to and convince his audience of the “issues” in the United
Robert H. Clancy in his speech, “An “Un-American Bill”: A Congressman Denounces Immigration Quotas” effectively describes how the Johnson Reed Act affected immigration. Clancy’s purpose is to inform people in the racial discrimination of the immigration act in 1924. He adopts a serious tone and strong feeling in order to provide proof to the intended audience. Robert H. Clancy uses sufficient pathos with many examples throughout the text, many logos were used clearly and ethos was provided effectively.
All throughout Senator Ellison DuRant’s “Shut the Door” speech presented in 1924 in Washington D.C at a congressional debate, he explicitly states the need to stop the steady stream of immigration into America. DuRant reiterates his thesis, uses emotional appeals and questions the image of America in order to pass the Johnson Reed Act.
Federalist #10 is written by James Madison addressing the state of New York, and is a continuation of Federalist #9, which attempts to address the Union as a safeguard against domestic faction and insurrection. It hopes to instill in the anti-federalists that the constitution safeguards against incivility and uprising. Madison believes that “(the American constitutions) have as effectually obviated the danger on this side, as was wished and expected”. He believes that the United States Constitution is well-covered against possibilities of insurrection and uprising from both inside and outside of government positions in office, and this is what he is attempting to explain to the citizens of New York.
The article “The Coddling Of The American Mind”, written by Greg Lukianoff and Jonathan Haidt, was written about how teachers are afraid of what they are allowed to say during in class because of the emotional effect on the students. While writing the article the authors have many examples of logos, ethos, and pathos. The logos of the article appeals to logic by presenting facts and statistics. The writers provide definitions of words such as microaggression and trigger warning. While explaining the definitions they go on to give real world examples to further the understanding of the words. Also statistics of the amount of mental health issues are provided to enhance the logos. Secondly to make the article more appealing is adding an emotional
There were several reasons for which Czech immigrants were regarded more positively than the thousands of immigrants of different nationalities: first, Bohemians’ were white. As Stout reminds, “white” is “a term that that then meant not only not-Black but also not-Italian, not-Asian, not-Jewish” (470). Race is and has always been a very arbitrary construction, and for their stark whiteness Bohemians were considered more familiar (and therefore, more trustworthy) than various other ethnic peoples. This explanation, however, does not account for Cather’s disinclusion of the large, majority white, immigrant population which sought refuge from war-stricken Germany. Why, then, did Cather’s supposedly inclusive novel omit mention of the innumerable German immigrants that fled to the American midwest in the midst of World War I? Stout’s logic convinces: “she obscured the fact that Germans were by far the largest single group of immigrants in that area” because “German immigrants were being subjected to intense suspicion of disloyalty.” If we thus concede that Cather’s treatment of immigrants is subject to popular American attitudes about certain foreign peoples, it follows that she might have manipulated her Bohemian characters to forge a positive image of American foreign relations; there is sufficient evidence that injected the Czechs as
The authors of “Coddling of the American Mind,” Greg Lukianoff and Jonathan Haidt, use ethos, logos, and pathos convey their negative stance regarding trigger warnings and the effect they on education. Lukianoff and Haidt’s use of rhetorical appeal throughout the article adds to the author’s credibility and the strength of the argument against increasing the use of trigger warnings in school material. The authors, Lukianoff and Haidt, rely heavily upon the use of logos, such as relations between conflicts surrounding trigger warnings and other historical conflicts impacting student ethics. Examples of the use of these logical appeals are the relation between the Columbine Massacre and the younger generations ideology. The author goes on to mention other societal turning points such
Rhetorical Analysis: The Declaration of Independence. Our Declaration of Independence, was penned most notably by Thomas Jefferson in response to the atrocities committed by the British Crown against the citizens of the American Colonies. At the time of the drafting of The Declaration, Jefferson was widely known to be a successful practitioner of Law as a lawyer, and an eloquent writer. It is due to this, that although Jefferson was a member of a five-man committee charged with drafting the Declaration of Independence, Jefferson was tapped to be the main author. After enduring “a long train of abuses and usurpations” the colonists decided to declare themselves free of British rule (para 2).
The “new” immigrants came over hungry for work and were willing to work for a fraction of what the “old” immigrants would. The “new” immigrants came in unskilled and unaccustomed to American society, took the “old” immigrants jobs and shook up their neighborhoods; this created much tension between the two groups. Riis like others, hated some ethnic groups more than others, and in How the Other Half Lives establishes a general hierarchy placing the “old” immigrants on the top, groups such as Germans, Irish and the English. In the middle Riis ranks the Italians, Jews, and blacks. On the bottom of the ladder Riis places the Chinese.
Though Kennedy and Clinton addressed their audiences nearly thirty-two years apart, each rhetor faced a common rhetorical barrier – an American populace too heavily focused on the personalities within each respective presidential election rather than the true issues confronting the United States. To overcome that barrier, both Kennedy and Clinton utilize definitional strategies – in the form of association – as well as language strategies –specifically, historical allusions. Whether or not the speeches directly correlate with both candidates winning their presidential elections does not concern the examination; this paper observes how exactly the rhetorical devices used served to dissolve the barriers between the rhetor and the intended audience.
Arrivals, from the same year, from all countries of persons of German race were 29,682 and Hebrew arrivals were 60,764. Changing the Character of Immigration, Pg. 103. 1) Unfortunately, with such a large influx in population during a short amount of time and other variables such as immigrants being unable to speak English, inadequate affordable urban housing, and insufficient jobs, a large amount of immigrants ended up in growing slums without the feeling of security or knowledge of how to find help, if there was any, from an unrepresentative government. These factors transformed incoming immigrants into easy prey for patronage from the political machine and sustained them by giving their votes. In the 1930’s, mass immigration had stopped and representative government had begun, leading to a decline in patronage needed by then integrated immigrants and a decline in votes for the machine....
Ngai, Mae M., and Jon Gjerde. "Congressman Jerry Patterson Details Needs of Refugees in California, 1981." Major Problems in American Immigration History: Documents and Essays. Boston, MA: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2013. 526-528. Print.
The distance between the new arrivals and the natives fosters a sense of distrust on both ends. However, the concern that the growing population of immigrants will compromise America’s national identity undermines our national reality. Historically, those who have willingly immigrated to the United States have had a desire to become part of American society, crossing borders and seas t...
The. Kessner, Thomas and Betty Boyd Caroli, “Today’s Immigrants, Their Stories.” Kiniry and Rose, 343-346. Print. The. Portes, Alejandro and Ruben G. Rumbaut, “Immigrant America: A Portrait.” Kiniry and Rose, 336-337.
Since the 1600s, Polish immigrants have moved to the United States of America in hopes of beginning a new life with an abundance of resources to obtain the American Dream; or to reconnect with their relatives whom have settled in the States a while ago; or to escape the times of war or national oppression Poland faced by its neighboring countries. Whatever the reason may be, from the beginnings of Poles immigrating to America, once arriving in the states, they created for themselves a Polish ethnic community, otherwise known as Polonia. This community was intricately constructed in which Poles held onto their Polish customs and traditions so they would not have to change their entire way of living even though moving to America (Lopata 1976:1). However, in the years following 1918, Poles eventually began to evolve towards Americanized ideologies and slowly withdrew their Polish practices from everyday life in the United States (Lopata 1994: 100). Thus the immigrants that came to the U.S. before World War I are considered “old emigration” immigrants while the Poles that moved to America after World War I are known as “new emigration” immigrants (Lopata 1976: 3).