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Interaction with mass media
Interaction with mass media
Interaction with mass media
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Nancy Fraser does a great job at answering your question, “How can an interaction limited to a few be accurately judged and interfered in by the vast public?” in her article, “Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy.” Fraser acknowledges the dominant nature of the public and the discussion that takes place in it and suggests that counterpublics are the best way to make the personal political. Fraser examines Habermas’ ideas on the public and private spheres and points out that, “ the official bourgeois public sphere is the institutional vehicle for a major historical transformation in the nature of political domination”(62). The institutionalization of political dominance is concerning to Fraser who …show more content…
Habermas champions public discussion and the public sphere because it helps create the general will. Ideally, Habermas imagines the public sphere to be a place where everyone and anyone could participate in “unrestricted rational discussion”(59). Fraser questions, “In short, is the idea of the public sphere an instrument of domination or a utopian ideal?”(62). Fraser comes to the conclusion that “both of those conclusions are too extreme”(62) and that “in fact, the historiography of Ryan and others demonstrates that the bourgeois public was never the public”(61). A few people, property-owning white men, cannot possibly judge what the public wants and needs. To answer your final question, “How political can the private get?,” I would go even further and ask how political should the private get? Due to the dominant nature of the public sphere, Fraser suggests that, “members of subordinated groups-women, workers, peoples of
“…In order that [the reader] shall enter he must find a familiar foothold in the story, and this is supplied to him by the use of stereotypes. They tell him that if an association of plumbers is called a “combine” it is appropriate to develop his hostility; if it is called a “group of leading businessmen” the cue is for a favorable reaction. ”(Public Opinion). Through this quote it is revealed one of the ways that the news is manipulated into making people think a certain way. The example that was used by Lippmann is often used by the news because it tricks the readers into believing that something may or may not be true. By calling a group of plumbers “leading businessmen”, it makes them seem important, but when calling them a “combine” it steals that superiority and makes them insignificant. It is through these simple words that the news manages to manipulate people into believing things that aren’t true, even if the author sees them that way. This section of the book is essential in Liaugminas’ argument because it provides another way in which the news is filled with bias with the intention of manipulating the public. This further proves that the news does not contain the truth since they are able to change reality into the way that they interpret it. “How could the public get the information it needed to make rational political
Purdy again cites Franklin Roosevelt as an example of socialist ideas that have infiltrated United States policy. There has been a decrease in the distrust in markets, and there has been an increase in the belief that markets are safeguarded. Purdy goes on to call markets “enemies to democracy and personal freedom.” Although democracy and markets seem to coincide with each other, markets singularly can cause incredible concentrations of wealth and he states that, “wealth is power.” He goes on to say that this contributes to the inequality aforementioned and it is hurtful to democracy. He argues that this concentration of wealth will “undermine” the idea that everyone vote and voice are equally important; only the voice of the wealthy is taken into consideration. Continuing his argument that income inequality and markets are interconnected, Purdy further demonizes markets by asserting that the inequality is a cause of the loss of personal freedom. This unfairness narrows the economic options of the general
He also explains that the public succumbs to the stereotypes that support the government: news, law enforcement, and politicians. Lippmann then points out that the “visible government” is the aftermath of the assumptions made by the public about democracy. Lippmann argues, “the substance of the argument is that democracy in its original form never seriously faced the problem which arises because the pictures inside people’s heads do not automatically correspond with the world outside” (Lippmann 19). This argument makes sense because the interpretation of symbols and fictions, as well as propaganda and stereotypes, differentiates person to person. As democracy has developed, the pictures inside people’s minds have pushed it from its original form. Concurrently, the people in power have the same distorted picture in their head. He continues this evaluation by saying, “for in each of these innumerable centers of authority there are parties, and these parties are themselves hierarchies with their roots in classes, sections, cliques and clans; and within these are the individual politicians, each the personal center of a web of connection and memory and fear and hope” (Lippmann 13). This places the public at risk because their leaders are acting with a pre-disposition to certain stereotypes and the effect trickles down to plague the
Neil Postman begins chapter 9 of his book Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business, by discussing if politics is actually a spectator sport or if politics is just like the way show business is run. This chapter is titled ‘Reach out and Elect someone’, and Postman first writes about how politics is more like a "spectator sport" or, as Ronald Reagan put it, "like show business" (125).
In all the history of America one thing has been made clear, historians can’t agree on much. It is valid seeing as none of them can travel back in time to actually experience the important events and even distinguish what has value and what doesn’t. Therefore all historians must make a leap and interpret the facts as best they can. The populist movement does not escape this paradox. Two views are widely accepted yet vastly different, the views of Richard Hofstadter and Lawrence Goodwyn. They disagree on whether populists were “isolated and paranoid bigots” or “sophisticated, empathetic egalitarians”; whether their leaders were “opportunists who victimized them” or “visionary economic theorists who liberated them”; whether their beliefs were rooted in the free silver campaign of the 1890s or the cooperative movement of the 1880s; and finally whether their ideal society was in the “agrarian past” or “the promise of a cooperative future”. They could not agree on anything, over all Richard Hofstadter seems to have a better idea of the truth of populism.
Bessette, Joseph M., John J. Pitney, and First Jr. American Government And Politics, Deliberation, Democracy, And Citizenship No Seperate Policy Chapters Editions. Boston: Wadsworth Pub Co, 2010. 429. Print.
Factions, or parties, are described in The Federalist No. 10 as groups of citizens “united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest.” According to Madison, these human passions divide the public into competing parties that are “much more disposed to vex and oppress each other than to co-operate for their common good.” These parties often negatively impact the rights of other citizens as they pursue their own specialized goals, but it is “the nature of man” to create them. Thus, in order to protect the rights and voices of the people, a successful government must be committed to the regulation of these various factions. A pure (direct) democracy, argues Madison, cannot effectively do this because it offers every citizen a vote in serious public matters, and economic stratification alone prevents th...
From written and public speech to direct action, reformers were constantly forced to find innovative ways to communicate with the public throughout early American History. Although the reformers in the more recent past have often looked to foreign lands for examples of how to communicate their ideas, they could have just as easily looked back on America’s own past. Reform movements and radical groups have defined America since its radical beginnings with Thomas Paine, through the anti-slavery, temperance, and women’s rights movements, and even through the civil rights movements to today. America has continued to evolve through peaceful methods. Those that need to resort to violence usually do so because their goals are not supported by a large portion of the country, and when they do resort to violence, they usually fail. It is the protection of speech and organization (association) that has allowed this country to continue to survive peacefully while others have crumbled violently. As long as reformers have peaceful modes of communication available to them, the country as a whole will thrive well into the third millennium.
William Smith, Democracy, Deliberation and Disobedience (Paper presented at the UK Association for Legal and Social Philosophy Annual Conference, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, April 2003).
public. These private people come from the family, but also from the privatized sphere of
Dye, T. R., Zeigler, H., & Schubert, L. (2012). The Irony of Democracy (15th ed.).
In Public Opinion, Walter Lippmann explained the difficulties of public opinion in a democratic society. The power of public opinion became greater than that of the legislative branch of government. The reporting and the protection of public opinion sources became the basic problem of democracy. Instead of the Omni competent citizen making reasoned judgments on public issues, people created their public opinion based on “the pictures inside their heads of human beings, the pictures of themselves, of others, of their needs, purposes and relationships” (page 20). These pictures led to individuals creating stereotypes that identified with their own interests and misled men in their dealings with the world.
7th edition. London: Pearson Longman, ed. Garner, R., Ferdinand, P. and Lawson, S. (2009) Introduction to Politics. 2nd edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998.
This essay explores pressure groups and their role in democracy and society. It also discusses how pressure groups use the media as a communication strategy to influence.
Society is highly stratified when considering social classes i.e. - upper class, middle class, lower class, and working class citizens. That being said, not everyone has the same access to the superstructure; thus creating tension. The largest problem when considering structure and agency is the constant struggle and negotiation of power inequality. Among the asymmetry of power are two major disparities; class and gender. Thinking as a critical theorist, one must consider the individual’s participation in the public sphere; “The word means a false view of the world that is in the interests of the powerful citizens in order to keep the subordinate classes oppressed” (Habermas, 10). Though the public sphere is virtually a democratic sphere where ideas can circulate and opinions are formed there are certain restrictions when referring to lower classes and women and thus how their agencies as individuals are limited.